دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Regional Variation in Phonetic Responses to Time Pressure in Tehrani and Isfahani Varieties بررسی پاسخ‌های آوایی گویشوران دو گونۀ تهرانی و اصفهانی به فشار زمانی 1 24 27302 10.22108/jrl.2023.134154.1700 FA رافعه خوشخو دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکده زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران بتول علی‌ نژاد دانشیار، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران عادل رفیعی دانشیار، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران وحید صادقی دانشیار زبانشناسی، گروه مترجمی زبان انگلیسی، دانشکده ادبیات ،دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران Journal Article 2022 12 26 Abstract In languages and varieties, the exact locations of the alignment of f0 transition points differ from those of the segmental string (Ladd, 2006). The differences of inter-languages or inter-varieties are sometimes so small that it is not possible to identify a deep representation. We conducted a production experiment with 40 speakers of two regional varieties of Persian language. The aim of the present study was to investigate the strategies used by the speakers of the varieties in response to the time pressure caused by reduced sonorant rime of target words by adopting autosegmental-metrical theory (Pierrehumbert, 1980). For this purpose, 20 Isfahan speakers and 20 Tehrani speakers were asked to repeat the three target words, which were accompanied by a decrease sonorant rime, in the positions of nuclear pitch accent twice. Three prosodic parameters, such as contour conditionm alignment, and duration of the segments containing pitch accents, were mainly considered. The results showed that in each contour condition, the duration of the sonorant rime of the nuclear accented word was varied. In the phonetic domain, the range of adjustments fell into three broad categories. First, the speakers of Isfahani variety took more time by increasing the duration of the rime in the fall-rise condition while retracting the peak of the fall-rise contour. However, the speakers of Tehrani variety worked harder by compressing contours in the fall contour. Both speakers of the two varieties took shortcuts by truncating responses of the final pitch movements. The responses were shown to be dialect-specific and contour-specific. Keywords: Duration of Sonorant Rime, Pitch Accent, Timing or Alignment, Time Pressure Introduction Speakers of different varieties produce the same intonation contours, which are phonetically differently. One of the factors influencing on the realization of contours is the time available for execution. Movement f0 requires the minimum amount of time to be executed. Productions of the targets can be compromised under tonal crowding (Pierrehumbert, 2000). The magnitude of time pressure in intonation-only languages like Dutch and English firstly depends on the available spaces between tonal targets, for example between a prenuclear and nuclear pitch accents or between a nuclear pitch accent and a phrasal boundary. There is less time available for executing the prenuclear and nuclear accents in a skittish kitten, which has shorter vowels and less voicing as compared to a roaring lion, with an identical syllable structure but more voicing. The available time in the black cat is, in turn, less compared to the situation of a skittish kitten, which follows a lack of intervening unaccented syllables (accent clash) (Silverman and Pierrehumbert, 1990) and a shorter space between the nuclear accent and the intonational phrase edge. The shorter the stretch of sonorant segmental material is, the more the realization of nuclear and boundary tones will be under pressure (Grabe, 1998b). Also, tonal crowding will be more problematic in fast speech compared to normal or slow speech because the time to produce tonal targets is reduced due to shorter segmental durations (Caspers and van Heuven, 1993 for Dutch). Hanssen (2017) mentions that speakers use 3 economizing mechanisms for F0 adjustments in response to time pressure. The first is “truncation”, whereby speakers produce an incomplete version of the contour, leaving the speed of the f0 movement intact. The second is “compression”, whereby the full contour is produced but at a higher speed. The third one is that speakers can respond to time pressure by increasing the duration of the available sonorant material so as to create more time for the execution of the pitch movement. Speakers may add duration when a movement is physiologically more difficult to produce. Figure 1 shows the economic strategies that speakers use in response to time pressure: Schematic illustrations of truncation, undershoot, and compression (columns) for falls, rises, and fall-rises (rows). The gray uninterrupted lines represent an f0 contour on a long sonorant portion, while the black interrupted lines represent an f0 contour on a short sonorant portion. The arrows and scissors illustrate how the f0 contours have been affected by time pressure. An undershoot can affect a fall-rise in two ways; it affects either the dip between two high tones or the initial high tone. This paper reported what strategies speakers adopt in response to time pressure due to limited sonorant material in IP-mid nuclear contour. In this study, we sought to respond to the strategies used by the speakers of two species (Isfahani and Tehrani) in response to the time pressure caused by reduced limited sonorant material and find the answer to this question: what strategies do the speakers of the two varieties of languages use to deal with time pressure? Material and Methods To conduct this research, we presented 3 utterances that had different sonorant rimes to 20 Isfahani (10 males and 10 females) and 20 Tehrani language speakers (10 males and 10 females) to produce them during a production experiment. This research investigated the regional variation in the realization of intonation contours in Isfahani and Tehrani varieties in the framework of autosegmental-metrical theory. The autosegmental-metrical theory is basically based on the principle that the intonation is completely systematic and has a phonological structure; that is, the intonation forms a hierarchical prosodic structure in the form of a sequence of tonal units (L, H, and a combination of these two tones). The intonation contour (a type of contour that shows the pitch excursions of an utterance over the time) is represented linearly through autosegmental tones, each of which is aligned with a specific syllable or a specific place in a segmental group. The combination of these tones determines the prosodic structure of the speech. Each dataset contains several contour pitches that are phonologically identical, but differ in rise, fall-rise, and rise type. A total of 240 sentence samples (1 sentence * 3 target words * 40 speakers * 2 repetitions) were recorded. Then, using Praat speech processing software (Boersma and Winink , 2019), the intonational pattern of the extracted sentences and the intonational variables were coded manually. To observe and study the changes of F0 along the pitch contour, the average values were obtained from the difference between the minimum base frequency and the maximum base frequency of the sonorant rime. In this study, for the nuclear pith accent state, the 3 variables of pitch contour, duration, and alignment were measured. The statistical analysis of the data was carried out by using SPSS. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The purpose of this study was to investigate the effects of time pressure on the parameters of pitch contour, alignment, and duration. By examining the research data, th following result was obtained: In the two Isfahani and Tehrani varieties, the three target words had a significant effect on the sonorant rime (p<0.05). The sonorant rimes of coda in the fall and rise contours, were more in "Yɑm" compared to "Yɑr" and "Yɑb" in both varieties, respectively. However, in the fall-rise contour, the sonorant rime of coda was higher in "Yɑr" compared to "Yɑm" and "Yɑb", respectively. The statistical results related to the time pressure between the two contours, simple contour (fall), and complex contour (fall-rise) showed that the type of contour in terms of simplicity and complexity had an effect on the average sonorant rime of coda so that in Isfahani and Tehrani varieties, the average sonorant rimes of coda in the fall-rise contour were longer than those of the fall contour. Also, adaptation of alignment under time pressure due to complexity of the contour showed that the speakers started the fall-rise contour earlier than the fall contour. The data related to the investigation of the effect of the boundary of the next intonational phrase on the time pressure in thr fall, fall-rise, and rise contours in the two varieties showed that the type of sonorant rime of the word had a significant effect on the peak alignment in the fall contour. This issue confirmed that the sonorant rime in the fall-rise contour was significantly longer than that of the fall contour. In addition, the influence of the contour type on the relative alignment in Tehrani and Isfahani varieties revealed that the peak in the fall-rise contour started earlier than the peak in the fall contour. In both varieties, the peak in the relative alignment was influenced by the word, while the speakers adjusted the peak according to the sonorant rime and placed about 20-30% of it at the end of coda, which indicated late occurrence of the H tone. Comparison of the peak delays between the words in the fall-rise contour in Isfahani and Tehrani varieties showed that the differences in peak delays in Yɑr-Yɑm, Yɑr-Yɑb, and Yɑm-Yɑb were significant. Yɑr-Yɑm and Yɑr-Yɑb were not significant in the word Yɑm-Yɑb. Also, the results showed that the type of sonorant rime had a significant effect on the relative peak alignment in Isfahani and Tehrani varieties (p<0.05). The comparison of the relative peak alignments in Isfahan and Tehrani varieties in the words "Yɑr, Yɑm, and Yɑb" revealed that the difference in the relative peak of Yɑr-Yɑm was not significant, but it was significant in the words of Yɑr-Yɑb and Yɑm. The comparison of the relative valley data between the words in the rise contour showed that in Isfahani and Tehrani varieties, the words had a significant effect on the relative valley (p<0.05). Comparing the relative alignments of the valley between the words "Yɑr/Yɑm/Yɑb" in Isfahani variety showed that the difference in the relative valley of the words Yɑr-Yɑm was not significant, but this difference was significant in the words of Yɑr-Yɑb and Yɑm-Yɑb. In Tehrani variety, the comparison of the relative alignments of the words "Yɑr/Yɑm/Yɑb" showed that the difference in the relative valleys of Yɑr-Yɑm and Yɑm-Yɑb was significant, but this difference in the words Yɑr-Yɑb was not significant. The results indicated that the speakers of Isfahani variety spent more time in the fall-rise contour and used the undershoot phenomenon, leading to an earlier occurrence with lower scaling on the affected units. While the speakers of Tehrani variety worked harder by compressing the contours in the fall contour. Both speakers of the two varieties took shortcuts by truncating responses of the final pitch movements. According to the observations of the authors in the main data, it seemed that the speakers’ choices in the diversity of contours were quite systematic. According to PFitzinger (2009), the choice of diversity of contour is special and systematic. در زبان‌ها و گونه‌ها محل دقیق همترازی نقاط گذار F0 با ساخت زنجیره‌ای گفتار متفاوت است (Ladd, 2008). تفاوت‌های بینزبانی و بینگونهای آنقدر کوچک و جزئی است که نمی‌توان بازنمود زیرساختی را مشخص ساخت. هدف از پژوهش حاضر بررسی راهکارهایی است که گویشوران دو گونه (اصفهانی و تهرانی) در واکنش به فشار زمانی ناشی از کاهش رسایی پایانه در چارچوب واج‌شناسی خودواحد وزنی نظریه پیرهامبرت (1980) استفاده می‌کنند. بدین منظور از 20 گوبشور اصفهانی و20 گوبشور تهرانی خواسته شد که سه واژه تکیه‌بر که همراه با کاهش رسایی پایانه بودند را در جایگاه تکیۀ زیروبمی هسته دو بار تکرار کنند. در بررسی و تحلیل داده‌ها سه پارامتر نوایی دیرش رسایی پایانه حاوی تکیة زیروبمی، زمان‌بندی یا همترازی و الگوی منحنی آهنگ عمدتاً مدنظر بود. نتایج نشان داد که گویشوران گونۀ اصفهانی در تولید منحنی افتان-خیزان زمان بیشتری را بکار گرفته‌اند و از راهکار زیرهدف استفاده کرده‌اند. پدیده زیرهدف، منجر به وقوع زودهنگام با دامنه زیروبمی کمتر بر روی واحدهای واجی گشته‌است. در حالی‌که در گونۀ تهرانی، گویشوران در تولید منحنی افتان از پدیده تراکم استفاده‌کرده‌اند. بدین معنی که گویشور در تولید منحنی سریع‌تر عمل کرده و حرکت F0 به‌طور کامل ولی در مدت زمان کوتاهی انجام گرفته‌است. بنابراین منحنی آهنگین الگوی افتان به طور کامل و با سرعت بالا تولید گشته‌است. گویشوران هر دو گونۀ اصفهانی و تهرانی در تولید منحنی خیزان، از پدیده کوتاه‌سازی یا ترخیم استفاده‌کرده‌اند، بدین معنی که حرکت F0 کوتاه گشته و تنها نسخۀ ناقصی از منحنی آهنگین تولید شده؛ ولی سرعت حرکت F0 تغییر نکرده ‌است. بنابراین، درمجموع می‌توان گفت که تنوع در انتخاب راهکارهای گویشوران دو گونه در پاسخ به فشار زمانی، مسئله‌ای زبان‌ویژه و گونه‌ویژه است.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27302_6671276df1166511dbcd149c1bc7a224.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 A Gender- and Age-Based Study of “Hedges” in the Speech of Persian Speakers بررسی تأثیر «جنسیت» و «سن» بر کاربرد «تردیدنماها» در گفتار فارسی‌زبانان 25 46 27295 10.22108/jrl.2023.136310.1705 FA زهرا خالقی دانشجوی کارشناسی ارشد زبان‌شناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بوعلی‌سینا، همدان، ایران آوا ایمانی استادیار گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه بوعلی سینا، همدان، ایران Journal Article 2023 01 03 Abstract The present research aims to examine and classify "hedges” through investigating the effect of “gender" and "age" on the use of this linguistic category in the everyday speech of Persian speakers. To this end, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed and randomly distributed among 523 Persian speakers in 4 different age groups (15-25, 26-35, 36-45, and 45 years and older). As far as it is concerned to the methodology, it is questionnaire-based survey benefiting from the qualitative components and quantitative analysis. The theoretical framework was based on Hyland’s (1996) and Varttala’s (2001) classifications of hedges. The statistical tests including T-test, ANOVA, and Tukey were used for data analysis. The findings showed that women used “evidential verbs” more than men to show their uncertainty, while the opposite was true for “judgmental verbs”. Furthermore, the statistical analysis revealed that there was a significant difference in the use of “judgmental, modal, and evidential verbs” among participants in different age groups. Finally, the results indicated that Persian speakers used only five groups of Hyland’s and Varttala’s hedging classifications in their everyday speech. Keywords: Hedges, Gender, Age, Hyland’s Model, Persian Introduction Language, as a means of communication, is continually influenced by the society, that’s why the reflection of social variables in our everyday speech is inevitable. Among different social factors, the sociolinguist researchers have far investigated the correlation between “gender”, “age” and some linguistic categories, such as “hedges” to examine the men and women’s linguistic features. The notion of “hedges” was first introduced by Lakoff (1973: 471) to describe “words whose job is to make things more or less fuzzy.” On the other hand, Hyland (1996: 3) points out “a hedge is … any linguistic means used to indicate either a lack of complete commitment to the truth of a proposition or the desire for not expressing that commitment categorically”. Since then, hedging has been investigated by the linguists and different views have been expressed about this linguistic category. Nevertheless, not much research in the Persian language has been conducted to investigate the effect of “gender” and “age” on the use of “hedges” in the everyday speech of Persian speakers (see Amouzadeh and Zareifard, 2019). The present paper sets out to study a gender- and age-based investigation of “hedges” in the speech of Persian speakers and to find the answers to the following questions: 1) How does “gender” affect the use of “hedges” in the everyday speech of Persian speakers? 2) What is the effect of “age” on the use of “hedges” in men and women’s speech? 3) Which types of “hedges” do the Persian speakers use in their everyday speech? Materials and Methods The present study is a field survey research benefiting from the qualitative components and the quantitative approach. The aim of the research is to do a sociolinguistic analysis of “hedges” focusing on the “gender” and “age” of the Persian-speakers. To this end, a researcher-made questionnaire was designed and randomly distributed among 523 Persian speakers in 4 different age groups (15-25, 26-35, 36-45, and over 45 years old). The theoretical framework of the research is based on the classification of hedging proposed by Hyland (1996) and Varttala (2001). An integrated classification of both views was proposed for data collection, in which the hedges were categorized in 6 types as follows: 1) judgmental main verbs; 2) evidential main verbs; 3) adverbs; 4) adjectives; 5) nouns; and 6) modal verbs. Moreover, the examples of hedges included in the questionnaire were selected through interviewing with the Persian speakers and randomly gathered from 6 Persian novels as follows:1) Sag va Zemestan-e Boland; 2) Sang-e Sabour; 3) Jazireh Sargardani; 4) Savushun; 5) Hekayat-e Golha-ye Raziyan; and 6) Fereydoon Se Pesar Dasht. Since no hedges were found for the categories of nouns and adjectives, it was attempted to extract a comprehensive list of different hedges in the spoken Persian through including an open question in the questionnaire. Subsequently, the statistical tests, including T-test, ANOVA, and Tukey, were used to analyze the data. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The present paper was carried out to measure the dependence or the correlation between gender and the use of hedges in men and women’s speech and to identify the different types of hedges used by the Persian speakers. As with gender, the findings showed that there was no significant difference between the men and women in the use of hedges (P=0.68>0.05). The results are summarized in Table 1. Table 1- The total amount of use of hedges in men and women’s speech Gender N Average SD SE of the average T DF Significance level Hedges female 264 3.2050 .58064 .03574 -.410 521 .682 male 259 3.2273 .66237 .04116 Despite the fact that the total amount of use of hedges between the men and women did not differ significantly, the one-by-one analysis of the questioned hedges showed that “gender” was an effective factor regarding the two particular hedges of “goman mikonam” and “engar/engari” (P<0.05). The results also indicated that the female participants used “engar/engari” more frequently than their male peers in their everyday speech, while the opposite was true for “goman mikonam”. To be more precise, the men used judgmental main verbs more frequently compared to the other types of hedges to express their uncertainty, while the women used the category of evidential main verbs more than the others. In response to the second question, the results revealed that the difference between the age groups in using hedges was not significant as the p-value of the ANOVA test was more than 0.05 (see Table 2). Table 2- The total average use of hedges in different age groups Age group N Average SD F Significance level 15-25 108 3.3194 .61815 1.915 .126 26-35 167 3.2268 .57978 36-45 125 3.1260 .67772 45 and older 123 3.2022 .61457 Additionally, the individual analysis of hedges showed that the usage of “shayad” “be nazaram/be nazar mirese,” “engar/engari”, “goman mikonam”, and “migan/mesle inke” was significantly different among the different age groups. Consequently, the Tukey test was carried out to evaluate the use of hedges between each two age groups. The two-by-two comparison of the age groups indicated that the participants aged 15-25 years used the modal verb “shayad” and the judgmental verb “be nazaram/ be nazar mirese” more frequently than the participants over 45 years old. The youngest group used the evidential verb “engar/engari” more than the participants aged 36 years and older. It was also found that the oldest group used “goman mikonam” more than the other age groups to express hedges in their everyday speech. However, there was no significant difference in the usage of the evidential verb “migan/mesle inke” among different age groups. Moreover, it was revealed that the Persian speakers only used 5 types of hedges in their everyday speech. Besides, some participants had mentioned the phrase “inshallah” to express their tentativeness. As the phrase is equivalent to the conditional sentence “god-willing” in Persian, it might be considered as an example of hedges in the category of nouns. Finally, the results showed that women used evidential verbs more than the men to express their uncertainty, while the opposite was true for judgmental verbs. Furthermore, it was found that there was a significant difference in the use of judgmental, modal, and evidential verbs among the participants in different age groups and the Persian speakers used only 5 types of Hyland and Varttala’s hedging classifications in their everyday speech. هدف از پژوهش حاضر تحلیل و طبقه‌بندی «تردیدنماها» و بررسی تأثیر دو عامل «جنسیت» و «سن» بر کاربرد این مقوله زبانی در گفتار روزمرة زنان و مردان فارسی‌زبان است. به منظور نیل به هدف مذکور، یک پرسشنامة محقق-ساخته طراحی و به‌صورت تصادفی بین 523 زن و مرد فارسی‌زبان در 4 گروه سنی مختلف (15-25 سال، 26-35 سال، 36-45 سال و بالای 45 سال) توزیع شد. به‌لحاظ روش‌شناسی، پژوهش حاضر میدانی و از نوع پیمایشی است و از مؤلفه‌های کیفی و رویکرد کمّی بهره می‌گیرد. پس از استخراج انواع تردیدنماها از گفتار گویشوران مذکور از طریق پرسشنامه، به دسته‌بندی و توصیف آن‌ها پرداخته شد و در ادامه، بر مبنای آرای هایلند (1996) و وارتالا (2001) و با بهره‌گیری از آزمون‌های آماری تی، توکی و آنووا به تحلیل تردیدنماها پرداختیم. یافته‌ها و نتایج تحلیل‌های آماری حاکی از آن است که زنان بیشتر از مردان از «افعال گواه‌نما» برای نشان دادن تردید استفاده می‌کنند و میزان کاربرد «افعال قضاوتی» در مردان بیشتر از زنان است. همچنین، نتایج نشان داد که به‌لحاظ آماری میان استفاده از انواع تردیدنماها، شامل «افعال قضاوتی»، «افعال وجهی» و «گواه‌نماها» در گروه‌های سنی مختلف تفاوت معناداری وجود دارد و گویشوران زبان فارسی فقط پنج دسته از انواع تردیدنماهای مورد نظر هایلند و وارتالا را در گفتار روزمرة خود به کار می‌گیرند.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27295_37b4bf60dad28d1514af8f310f08aa76.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Basic Features of Complex Predicates in Behdinani of Yazd ویژگی‌های فعل مرکب در زبان بهدینان یزد 47 68 27320 10.22108/jrl.2023.136007.1697 FA محمد دبیرمقدم گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران کتایون مزداپور گروه زبان‌شناسی، پژوهشگاه علوم انسانی و مطالعات فرهنگی، تهران، ایران محمدرضا شمس‌الدین خرمی گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبایی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2022 12 10 Abstract Referring to novel concepts for which there are no simple equivalents, speakers of languages often resort to predicates with two or more components. This phenomenon is so widely used in some languages that in Persian, for instance, new simple predicates are hardly added to the lexicon and the commonly used simple predicates in spoken and writing Persian do not appear to exceed a few hundred. This study concentrates on different types of complex predicates in the Dari language spoken by the Zoroastrians (Behdinan) of Yazd (in central Iran) and different features of each type. It takes advantage of a number of published works on Behdinani language, as well as instances directly collected from native speakers of that language. This study particularly focuses on the influence of syntactic-semantic factors on the inflection of complex predicates; such factors include tense, main or modal status of the predicate, and transitivity of the predicate as a whole as well as its verbal component alone. The findings of this study further underline the need for an unfettered, interactional perspective to the study of language which can shed light and facilitate investigation into the interaction between factors and elements from different modules of grammar. Keywords: Complex Predicates, Noun Incorporation, Behdinani, Zoroastrians of Yazd, Interactional Approach Introduction The language of Zoroastrians (Behdinan variety) in Yazd has been categorized as one of the critically endangered Iranian languages by the United Nations. This makes it all more significant to record and shed light on the various aspects of this language. The present study focused on complex predicates in Behdinani language and investigated how noun incorporation was employed in utterance of an unlimited set of concepts. Furthermore, it examined the roles that semantic-syntactic factors played in determining the inflection of such predicates in Behdinani language. Tense and transitivity, as well as the thematic relations, were proven to have a definitive role in shaping the inflection of complex predicates in the language of Zoroastrians in Yazd. Materials and Methods This study drew upon Dabir-Moghaddam’s previous work (1997), which illustrated the productivity of noun incorporation as the major process in the formation of complex predicates in another Iranian language, namely Modern Persian. It also borrowed from Dabir-Moghaddam’s work (2013a), which had recorded samples of constituent order, agreement, case system, and ergativity, as well as their local variants from a typological perspective, among other things in different Iranian languages and studies. Mazdāpūr’s bilingual dictionary in three volumes (1995, 2006, and 2018) accounted for the bulk of the material used in this study, which also took advantage of data directly collected from a number of Yazdi speakers of Behdinani language, as well as other written sources, such as those of Ivanow (1932, 1935, 1938, and 1939), Kešāvarz (1993), Firuzbakhsh (1997), Surush Surushiān (1978), and Vahman and Asatrian (2002). Discussion of Results and Conclusion The present study explored how noun incorporation next to combination fueled the highly productive phenomenon of producing complex predicates in Behdinani language. While differentiating between two types of subject-verb agreement systems, i.e., through suffixes and pronominal clitics, it highlighted how the former was employed in sentences with complex predicates, including the past tense stem (preterite) of an intransitive light verb, regardless of the transitivity of the verb phrase as a whole. In cases where the whole phrase was intransitive while there was a transitive light verb, proclitics assumed the role of marking agreement by directly attaching to the light verb as their syntactic host. However, if the whole complex predicate signified a transitive meaning, the proclitic tended to precede the non-verb component of the predicate as its host. Moreover, the transitive complex predicate displayed another distinctive feature in making use of the variant of the proclitics, which was the result of the merging the reduced clitic with the aspect marker vowel /e/ in the simple past tense. Another interesting feature of complex predicates in Behdinani was that transitive light verbs might display an agreement with the subject via suffixes as in intransitive verbs provided that the syntactic subject assumed the semantic role of the “experiencer”. This, however, was not without exceptions, but certain examples clearly made out the role of “agency” in whether clitics or suffixes had to be used for the purpose of marking the subject-verb agreement. Behdinani also featured the use of the modal verb “šustvun”, along with the light verb “kart(v)un”, to highlight the inability of the agent in performing an action, while the use of the modal verb alone might be interpreted as indicating inappropriateness of an action and signify a sense of prohibition. The findings of this study served as a further proof that the features of different modules of grammar, as the generative grammarians put it, were so tightly intertwined that separating these areas would only complicate and impede the study of language, especially languages like Persian and Behdinani, which did not easily yield to formalist theories. What this study suggests is an interface approach as a more efficient substitute, which opens the gate for consideration of semantic and pragmatic factors, as well as the information structure in tandem with the study of phonology, morphology, and syntax. زبان‌ها برای ایجاد مفاهیم جدیدی که برای آن‌ها برابرنهاد بسیطی ندارند اغلب به تولید فعل‌های با دو جزء یا بیشتر دست می‌زنند. این فرایند در برخی زبان‌ها بسیار پربسامد است به‌طوری که در زبان فارسی تولید افعال بسیط به نظر چندان زایا نمی‌رسد و تعداد فعل‌های ساده رایج در گفتار و نوشتار فارسی از چند صد فعل تجاوز نمی‌کند. دبیرمقدم (1376) ضمن بررسی و نقد آثار پیشین در این زمینه، به اثبات وجود و معرفی وجوه مختلف فعل‌های مرکب انضمامی به‌عنوان گونه پربسامدتر فعل مرکب در زبان فارسی می‌پردازد. پژوهش حاضر با بهره‌گیری از دستاوردهای دبیرمقدم (1376) به بررسی فعل مرکب، انواع و ویژگی‌های آن در زبان دری زرتشتیان یزد می‌پردازد. این پژوهش از منابع مکتوب موجود و همچنین نمونه‌های ثبت شده از گویشوران این زبان بهره جسته و بر تأثیر مؤلفه‌های نحوی-معنایی بر تصریف فعل‌های مرکب این زبان تمرکز می‌کند. عواملی مانند زمان فعل، اصلی یا وجهی بودن آن، لازم یا متعدی بودن مفهوم کلی فعل مرکب و همچنین گذرایی جزء فعلی آن تعیین کننده ویژگی‌های تصرف آن در زبان زرتشتیان یزد است. در نهایت یافته‌های این پژوهش مؤید نیاز به اتخاذ رویکردی تعاملی است که خود را محدود به حوزه یا رویکردی نکند تا امکان بررسی و روشنی افکندن بر ارتباط میان عوامل و مؤلفه‌های بخش‌های مختلف دستور را برای پژوهشگر مهیا فراهم آورد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27320_8242f0e9dc4cddda3ea234ff1a1dacec.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Investigating the Polysemy of the Prefix /hæm-/ in Persian Based on Cognitive Semantic Approach بررسی چندمعنایی پیشوند /hæm-/ «هم-» در زبان فارسی براساس رویکرد معنی‌شناسی شناختی 69 90 27406 10.22108/jrl.2023.135976.1694 FA مریم عظیمی دانشجوی دکتری، گروه آموزش زبا انگلیسی و زبان شناسی، واحد کرمانشاه، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرمانشاه، ایران مسعود دهقان دانشیار، گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان و ادبیات، دانشگاه کردستان، کردستان، ایران اکرم کرانی استادیار، گروه آموزش زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، واحد کرمانشاه، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، کرمانشاه، ایران Journal Article 2022 12 09 Abstract One of the issues discussed in the framework of cognitive semantics is the issue of polysemy. One of the fundamental concepts in polysemy is radial categories. In cognitive semantics, a polysemous word forms a category, and the different meanings of that word are assigned to the members of that category. From this point of view, prefixes also have multiple meanings that can be added to their bases. In this regard, in the present study, the polysemy of the prefix /hæm-/ was investigated by relying on the cognitive semantics approach. The methodological nature of this qualitative study was descriptive-analytic, and the data have been collected by library research method including Dehkhoda Dictionary (1995), Mo’in Dictionary (2003) and Amid Dictionary (2011). The findings indicated that the non-verbal prefix /hæm-/ is a polysemous prefix with a range of lexical functions. It’s worth mentioning that this prefix in some cases changes the lexical meaning of the verbal root, and thus creates a distinct lexical element. And also, the results showed that the prefix /hæm-/ consists of five distinctive meaning. Based on factors to determine the prototypemeaning, it was found that among the existing meanings, the meaning of "sharing" is the core or prototypemeaning of the prefix /hæm-/, and four other semantic clusters are formed around this core meaning. Accordingly, the prefix /hæm-/ has formed a category that gathers all its meanings around a core meaning, just like lexical categories. Keywords: cognitive semantics, polysemy, radial category, prefix, Persian Introduction One of the issues discussed in the framework of cognitive semantics is the issue of polysemy. In the field of semantics, polysemy is important because meaning generativity and expansion of concepts to a significant extent occurs as a result of the creation and formation of polysemy. Radial categories provide one of the fundamental concepts in polysemy. In cognitive semantics, a polysemous word forms a category and the different meanings of that word are assigned to the members of that category. It can be claimed that all these meanings are related to each other. The relationship between these meanings can be also justified through what are called radial categories. From this point of view, prefixes have multiple meanings that can be added to their bases. In this regard, in the present study, the polysemy of the prefix /hæm-/ was investigated by relying on the cognitive semantic approach. According to the prototypical theory, it is believed that some of these meanings are better examples for that particular category and some members marginally represent their category. Also, more prototypical meanings are placed in the center of this radial category and marginal meanings are related to these more central meanings through family similarities. Semantic relation is the outcome of humans’ daily interactions and their embodied experiences. Moreover, observations of the world around them show these experiences in image schemas and mental spaces as well. With the use of these concepts and experiences, human beings realize the similarities between two or more processes and use a word with a metaphorical extension in other meanings while referring to those processes. In this regard, Likoff and Brugmann (1988) stated that words occur in radial categories that are placed under a conceptual category, in which several concepts are organized in relation to a central concept. In the case of words, it is said that their central or prototypical meanings are located in the center of this category and their marginal meanings are further away from those prototypical meanings (Evans & Green, 2006: 332). The following figure shows an abstract image of how the different meanings of words are related to the perspective of radial categories: Fig 1- Network of radial categories (Evans & Green, 2006: 332) Materials and Methods The methodological nature of this qualitative study was descriptive-analytic and the data consisted of almost 436 words which were collected from the library resources available in Persian language, such as historical books and books of authoritative cultures, including Dehkhoda Dictionary (1995), Mo’in Dictionary (2003), and Amid Dictionary (2011). Then, by using the criteria provided by Taylor and Evans (Taylor & Evans, 2003), the prototypical and marginal meanings of the prefix /hæm-/ in Persian language were determined. In addition, the authors tried to use cognitive tools in this approach for different meanings of the investigated prefix to present the relevant schemata. Finally, the radial network of this prefix was drawn. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The issue that emerges is that, like words, Persian language prefixes, such as "Ham-", which are considered to be remnants of the previous periods of the mentioned language, have changed over time and as a result, their meanings have also changed and expanded in combination with different bases. Also, since prefixes play an important role in a language as constructive elements in the construction of language words and new concepts, determining their prototypical meanings and radial network can be an effective step in understanding their semantic range. Therefore, in the current research, the authors tried to answer the following questions: What are the prototypical meanings of the prefix /hæm-/ and its polysemous radial network? How are the compounded words derived from the prefix /hæm-/ explained? The findings indicated that the non-verbal prefix /hæm-/ is a polysemous prefix with a range of lexical functions. It is worth mentioning that this prefix changes the lexical meaning of the verbal root and thus creates a distinct lexical element in some cases. The results showed that the prefix /hæm-/ consisted of 5 distinctive meanings. Based on the factors, it was found that among the existing meanings, the meaning of "sharing" was the core or prototypical meaning of the prefix /hæm-/, while the other 4 meanings were considered as 4 semantic clusters formed around that prototypical meaning. Accordingly, the prefix /hæm-/ formed a category that gathered all its meanings around a core meaning just like lexical categories. To sum it up, among the collected data, 40 and 46 words were used in combination with the prefix /hæm/ in the semantic clusters of "similarity" and "association", respectively. Also, 42 words from the data in this research had the semantic cluster of "equality/sameness". Finally, the findings showed that the schemata of “sharing” as the prototypical meaning for the prefix /hæm-/ had the highest frequency of meaning compared to the semantic clusters and that was why it was considered as the prototypical meaning. Also, out of the 4 semantic clusters of "companionship", "similarity", "association", and "equality/sameness", the schematas of "companion" and "similarity" had the highest and lowest frequencies, respectively. از جمله مسائلی که در چارچوب معنی‌شناسی شناختی به آن پرداخته می‌شود، مسئله چندمعنایی است. یکی از مفاهیم بنیادی در مسئله چندمعنایی مقوله‌های شعاعی است. در معنی‌شناسی شناختی، یک واژه چندمعنا یک مقوله را تشکیل می‌دهد و معانی مختلف آن واژه عضوهای آن مقوله را به خود اختصاص می‌دهند. از این منظر، پیشوندها نیز دارای معانی متعددی هستند که می‌توانند آن‌ها را به پایه‌های خود بیافزایند. در این راستا، در پژوهش حاضر چندمعنایی پیشوند /hæm-/ با تکیه بر رویکرد معنی‌شناسی شناختی مورد بررسی قرار گرفت. ماهیت روش‌شناختیِ این پژوهشِ کیفی، توصیفی-تحلیلی بوده و داده‌ها به روش کتابخانه‌ای از منابع فارسی‌زبان لغت‌نامۀ دهخدا (1373)، فرهنگ معین (1381) و فرهنگ عمید (1389) استخراج شده‌اند. یافته‌ها نشان داد که پیشوند غیرفعلی /hæm-/ یک پیشوند چندمعنایی با طیفی از کارکردهای واژگانی است. این پیشوند در برخی موارد معنای واژگانی ریشۀ کلمهرا تغییر می‌دهد و در نتیجه یک عنصر واژگانی متمایز ایجاد می‌کند. همچنین، نتایج نشان داد که پیشوند /hæm-/از پنج معنای متمایز برخوردار است که براساس معیارهای تعیین معنای سرنمون مشخص شد معنای «اشتراک» معنای مرکزی یا سرنمون پیشوند /hæm-/ است و چهار خوشۀ معنایی متمایز دیگر نیز حول این معنای مرکزی شکل گرفته‌اند. بنابراین، پیشوند /hæm-/ همانند مقولات واژگانی، مقوله‌ای را شکل داده است که همۀ معانی خود را حول یک معنای مرکزی گرد آورده است.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27406_a53bcd21ba92b2e1d354e15aba422e81.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Negation in Iranian Sign Language (Tehrani Variety) نفی در زبان اشاره ایرانی (گونه تهرانی) 91 112 27418 10.22108/jrl.2023.136703.1719 FA لیلا فیاضی دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی همگانی، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و زبان های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران شهلا رقیب دوست دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و زبان های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 02 02 Abstract Iranian deaf people use sign language in their interactions. It is a natural language with its own grammar independent from language itself. The purpose of this research was to investigate the construction of negation in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety). The research method was taken from the cross-linguistic researches done by Zashen et al. (2004 & 2006), which were conducted on 38 sign languages. 7 profound deaf adults that were fluent in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety) were selected by using a purposive sampling method. An interpreter and a sign language consultant were present at all stages of the research. To collect the data, video recording and observation of the signers’ language behaviors during the presentation of linguistic stimuli, as well as targeted observation of some films in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety), were done. The data were entered into the ELAN software program for analysis. The data analysis showed that in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety), negation marking could be seen in different forms both manually and non-manually. Non-manual negation was not mandatory and could include the whole clause (minus any topicalised constituents) or part/parts of a clause. The basic negators of the clause (manual negative particle) were NOT, NO, NONE, NEVER, and NOT-EXIST. A lot of negation cliticisation were observed. Keywords: Sign Language, Iranian Sign Language (Tehrani Variety), Negation, Deaf People, Negative Particle, Manual Negation, Non-Manual Negation Introduction Iranian deaf people use sign language in their interactions. It is a natural language with its own grammar independent from language itself. Unfortunately, there are not enough documents about the history of sign language in Iran. This sign language was called "Farsi sign language" in the not-so-distant past, but it seemed that "Iranian sign language" was currently used more by the deaf community of Iran. Recently, Gitti (2022) has introduced the word "Asharani" to the Iranian deaf community. The purpose of this study was to investigate the construction of negation in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety). Materials and Method This research was descriptive from the perspective of data analysis and qualitative dealing with a case study. The outline of this research was taken from the cross-linguistic researches done by Zashen and her colleagues (2004 & 2006). These researches were conducted about sign languages around the world at the Max Planck Institute in the Netherlands. The participants of this research, who were selected based on the purposeful sampling method, included 7 congenitally profoundly deaf adults (4 women and 3 men) living in Tehran, who had hearing aids and were in the age range of 35-40 years. Except for 1 person, who was a student, the rest of them were working. All of them were literate with a diploma to Ph.D. students in linguistics, had been exposed to sign language from an early age, and daily used Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety) in the family and different social environments. All of these subjects had the ability to understand the spoken Persian language and express it in writing. A translator was present in all stages of data collection. An Iranian sign language researcher worked as a consultant in this research. The main method of data collection in this research was "observation". To collect the data, first, video recording and observation of the signers’ linguistic behaviors were done during presenting the linguistic stimuli (a list of linguistic forms in the form of sentences, words, and pictures). Also, a targeted observation of videos in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety) that could be found in virtual social media, such as Telegram and Instagram, was carried out to obtain more spontaneous data. In total, about 354 minutes of videos showing Iranian Sign Language (Tehrani variety) were obtained for analysis. Then, the data were entered into the ELAN software program for more detailed description, interpretation, and analysis. Discussion of Results and Conclusion The research data showed that in Iranian sign language (Tehrani variety), negation marking could be seen in different forms both manually and non-manually. Non-manual negation was not mandatory in Iranian sign language and could include the whole clause (minus any topicalised constituents) or part/parts of a clause. Specific rules that indicated when non-manual negation had to be used alongside manual negation were not observed in this research, except when negating the emphasizing that non-manual negation acted as an integral part of manual negation and played the role of strengthening negation of a negative sentence or showed a special case by moving the head as a sign of negation and giving a simple negative answer of one word while negation alone was enough. Negation was done at the level of a clause (sentence) via manual negative gestures. These main negative clauses were NOT, NO, NONE, NEVER, and NOT-EXIST. The negators were all placed at the end of the clause after the predicate (S-O-V (Neg)), except in cases where they replaced the negative verb at the end of the clause to cause its negation. On the other hand, it was observed that the negation morpheme together with the predicate sign could create a structure, in which the negation morpheme always occurred after the predicate. Hence, the negation morpheme could be an afﬁx or a clitic. According to the research data, the frequency of negation cliticisation was high in the Iranian sign language, while the main negator of the clause including NOT could be often cliticisating according to the previous sign. Other types of irregular negations (simultaneous negation and negative suppletion) could be also seen in this sign language with less frequency. This research was able to describe and document part of the grammar used by Iranian deaf people, who lived in Tehran, along with the few linguistic researches on Iranian sign language, and validate its naturalness and grammar (in Negation category). It seems that strengthening of sign language linguistics and subsequently the practical dimensions of such researches for language planning, compilation of textbooks and sign language teaching, implementation of linguistic research, and presentation or explanation of linguistic theories, etc. is of particular importance. ناشنوایان ایرانی از زبان اشارهای در تعاملات خود استفاده میکنند که زبانی طبیعی با دستور زبان خاص خود و مستقل از زبان فارسی است. هدف این پژوهش بررسی ساخت نفی در زبان اشاره ایرانی (گونه تهرانی) است. روش پژوهش برگرفته از پژوهش‌های بینزبانی زشن (2004, 2006) است که درباره 38 زبان اشاره انجام شده‌اند. 7 بزرگسال ناشنوای عمیق مسلط به زبان اشاره ایرانی (گونه تهرانی) به روش نمونه‌گیری هدفمند انتخاب شدند. یک مترجم و مشاور زبان اشاره در تمام مراحل پژوهش حضور داشت. برای جمعآوری داده، ضبط ویدئویی و مشاهدۀ رفتارهای زبانی اشارهگران هنگام ارائه محرکهای زبانی و همچنین مشاهده هدفمند فیلم‏هایی به زبان اشاره ایرانی (گونه تهرانی) صورت گرفت. دادهها برای بررسی وارد برنامه نرم‌افزاری ELAN شدند. تحلیل دادهها نشان داد که در زبان اشاره ایرانی (گونه تهرانی)، نشانهگذاری نفی هم به‌صورت دستی و هم غیردستی در شکلهای مختلف قابل مشاهده است. نفی غیردستی اجباری نیست و از نظر سیطره میتواند کل بند (منهای بخش مبتداسازی‌شده) یا بخش/بخشهایی از یک بند را دربرگیرد. منفیسازهای اصلی بند (ادات نفی دستی) عبارت‌انداز: نه (NOT)، نه (NO)، هیچ (NONE)، نه (اصلاً ، بههیچوجه و ...) (NEVER) و نه وجودی (NOT-EXIST). واژهبستسازی ادات نفی فراوان مشاهده شد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27418_e3f1915d9ae01bb237db6a96960535c5.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Discursive Representation of Privileged Future in Inauguration Speech of Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si بازنمایی گفتمانی آیندۀ مطلوب در سخنرانی مراسم تحلیف ریاست جمهوری سید ابراهیم رئیسی 113 130 27497 10.22108/jrl.2023.136699.1718 FA علی بصارتی استادیار گروه آموزش زبان انگلیسی، دانشگاه شیخ بهایی اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران سمیر حسنوندی دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری مطالعات ترجمه، گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی، دانشکدۀ زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 02 02 Abstract The present study seeks to examine the discursive construction of privileged future (PF) and its legitimisation strategies through adopting a discourse analytical approach. In so doing, we employed the “Alternative Futures in Political Discourses” as the analytical framework. The data for the present study comes from the inauguration speech of Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si, delivered on August 6, 2021. Analyses indicated that the privileged future is depicted in terms of four main axioms, including axiological principles and doctrines, socio-cultural concerns, economic and financial statuses, and international politics. Lexico-grammatically concerned, the PF is conceptualised through progressive aspect and different lexico-grammatical devices as the epistemological perpetuation of the conceptually-extended present time. Moreover, the realisation of the PF is construed as civil demands of Iranian society. This is mainly carried out by construing the ‘demand’ via the main verb khastan [to want] and positioning the nominal item mardom [people] in the subject position. Findings also suggest that despite construing the present time at the epistemological bedrock of the PF, the present is features with inaction and inertia with regard to materialisation of the future-oriented civil demands. To prompt an ideological opposition between the present and future, this discourse substitutes the involvement of the new government with civil demands with the present-time inaction. In this discourse, the legitimisation for the PF policies and measures is solicited through construing the intellectual and ideological continuation of the present in the future, representation of the legitimisation repertoire (civil society) as demanding the materialisation of the PF, and construing a transition from inaction to involvement with civil demands. Key words: Privileged future; Alternative futures; Inauguration speech; Policy making; Political discourses; Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si Introduction Inauguration speech is one of the substantial processes in the peaceful and democratic transition of power which is ensued by a legal and democratic election. This political event not only bears incommensurable significance in the global community and within the domestic structures with regard to legal aspects of the presidential position (Helal, 2021), but also insofar as it is concerned with the participation of international representatives from across the world, it stabilises the legal and political position of the newly-elect president. In such discourses, politicians and policy-makers generally recruit influential rhetorical strategies so that they can inexplicitly impose certain ideological frameworks and obligations on subjects. This is mainly manufactured in order to control the individual and social terrains of subjects’ lives and redirect their interpretations and perceptions of the status quo (Bernier, 1992; Graham, 2001). Such being the case, in this study, we shall be concerned with examining how privileged future (PF) is constructed and negotiated in the inauguration speech of Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si. In this connection, we shall examine how and through what ideological content and themes the inauguration speech preconfigures the PF and what lexico-grammatical toolkit contributes to conveying its ideological repertoire. Moreover, we shall investigate how the content of the PF is legitimised in this discourse. Methods and Materials In this research, we shall employ the “Alternative Futures in Political Discourses” (Cap, 2020) to examine the ideological content of the PF and lexico-grammatical as well as pragma-rhetorical devices employed to convey the ideological content. The data for the preset study comes from the inauguration speech of the 13th president of Iran, Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si, at the Islamic Council on August 6, 2021. We opted for certain excerpts in the speech that contained and conveyed the future-oriented policies and programmes of the 13th government. Discussion and Conclusion In this study, we examined the ideological content and themes in the inauguration speech of Iranian 13th president, Sayyid Ibrahim Rai’si, that convey and conceptualise the PF. In this discourse, the status quo of social, political, and economic conditions is construed as a historical rupture triggered by the 1979 Islamic Revolution. The defining features of this historical break can be summarised in terms of all-embracing development of the destiny and statuses of Iranian people, overcoming tyranny, and winning independence. These three themes are placed at the heart of the pre-configuration of the future space in the inauguration speech. So stated, the future-building programmes and policies are comprised of universal axiological principles and doctrines, social and cultural concerns of Iranian society, the realisation of the ideals and values of the Islamic Revolution, the betterment of economic-financial situation, and the interactive international politics. However, despite the ideological compatibilities of the future oriented policies and programmes with the ideological and epistemological hallmarks of the present time as well as the utmost intellectual and epistemological coherence, when concerned with the materialisation of the PF, there appears another rupture between the status quo and the preconfigured future space. To put the same thing differently, despite the coherency and continuity of content and ideological repertoires from the present time to the future, these programs and policies have not yet been realised so far and they still remain in the form of civil demands. مطالعۀ پیشرو قصد دارد با اتخاذ رویکردی گفتمانپژوهانه، محتوای آیندۀ مطلوب و راهبردهای مشروعیتبخشی به آن را مطالعه کند. در این پژوهش، چارچوب نظری-تحلیلی «آیندههای جایگزین در گفتمانهای سیاسی» بهعنوان چارچوب نظری استفاده شد. همچنین، گزیدههایی از متن سخنرانی مراسم تحلیلف ریاست جمهوری سید ابراهیم رئیسی به‌عنوان دادههای پژوهش انتخاب شد. تحلیل دادهها نشان میدهد که در این گفتمان محتوای معنایی آیندۀ مطلوب در چهار محور مبانی ارزشی – اخلاقی، مسائل و دغدغه‏های فرهنگی-اجتماعی، وضعیت اقتصادی و معیشتی، و سیاست بینالملل تظاهر مییابد. تحلیل‌ها نشان میدهند که فضای آیندۀ مطلوب در قالب وجه استمراری و به مدد عناصر واژ-دستوری بهصورت امتداد معرفتشناختی زمان حال مفهومسازی شده است. همچنین، با استفاده از فعل «خواستن» و قرار دادن هستار اسمی «مردم» در جایگاه فاعل این فعل، محتوای زمان آیندۀ مطلوب بهعنوان مطالبه و خواست مردم بازنمایی شده است. نیز نشان دادیم که علی‌رغم امتداد معرفتشناختی حال به آینده، زمان حال با بیعملی در رابطه با محقق ساختن این مطالبات مفهومسازی شده است. در راستای ایجاد تقابل ایدئولوژیک بین حال و آینده، این گفتمان دغدغه‏مندی دولت جدید دربارۀ مطالبات را جایگزین بیعملی زمان حال میکند. در این گفتمان، پیوستگی و امتداد فکری و عقیدتی-معرفتی، بازنمایی منبع مشروعیتبخش (جامعه مدنی) بهعنوان مطالبهگر تحقق فضای آینده و عبور از بی‌عملی به دغدغهمندی نسبت به مطالبات مردم، برنامهها و سیاستهای آینده را مشروعیتبخشی میکند.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27497_7e9ac88ee2e8ec9e5d6d9235813e8c2b.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Dialectics of Samimiat (‘cordiality’) and Ehterām (‘respect’) in a Television Talk دیالکتیک صمیمیت و احترام در یک گفت‌وگوی تلویزیونی 131 152 27533 10.22108/jrl.2023.137291.1746 FA سیدمحمد حسینی استادیار زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اراک، اراک، ایران Journal Article 2023 04 09 Abstract The paper investigates the concept of face in the sense of relational connection and separation in Iranian culture in the light of Face-Constituting Theory. It is first argued that the culture-specific, folk understanding of connection and separation is conceptualized in samimiat (‘cordiality’, ‘friendliness’) and ehterām (‘respect’, ‘deference’). Then, extracts drived from a reality show conversation are analyzed to demonstrate how connection/samimiat and separation/ehterām are conjointly co-constituted by the host and the guest at the moment of interaction. Findings suggest that this is mainly achieved through dynamic use of various resources such as ta’ārof rituals, address forms, honorifics, disclaimers, turn size, pauses, and gaze direction. This dynamicity cannot be captured by simply enumerating a list of positive and negative face strategies as in Brown and Levinson’s model. Keywords: Face-Constituting Theory, Face, Connection, Separation, Samimiat (‘Cordiality’), Ehterām (‘Respect’) Introduction In every social interaction, people (re-)create an image of self that is technically known as ‘face’ (Goffman, 1967; Brown and Levinson, 1987; Arundale, 2009, 2010, 2013, 2020). Goffman (1967, p.5) defines face as “the positive social value a person effectively claims for himself by the line others assume he has taken during a particular contact.” The very conceptualization of face has been shown to be in line with the Persian concept of āberu (‘reputation, lit. ‘water-of-face’) in Iranian culture (Hosseini, 2022) and covers concepts and behaviors much wider than what can be observed in a face-to-face conversation (Izadi, 2023). Brown and Levinson (1987, p. 61) define face as “the public self-image that every [competent] member [of society] wants to claim for himself”. So defined, face is claimed to be consisting of two aspects, namely ‘positive face’, delineated as “the positive consistent self-image or ‘personality’” and an individual’s desire for this image to be respected, and ‘negative face’ defined as the right of an individual featured with the “freedom of action and freedom from imposition” (Brown and Levinson, 1987, p. 61). Although this definition has largely been questioned for being inconsistent with the collectivist East Asian and African cultures and, inter alia, conflating face and politeness, the major bulk of the research on Persian im/politeness does not take a critical stance in adopting Brown and Levinson’s model (as their theoretical-analytical framework). (See for example, the papers in Abolhasani-Chime and Mahmoodi Bakhtiari, 2017) In his Face-Constituting Theory (FCT), Arundale (2009, 2010, 2013, 2020) takes a different approach to face and defines it as “constituting in talk and conduct of both connection with other persons, in on-going, dialectic tension with separation from them” (Arundale, 2013, p. 109). In this theory, face is not considered as an individual’s possession, but it is taken to be an individual's understanding of his/her connectedness with and separateness from other individuals at the moment of interaction. It is interactionally achieved in communication. In other words, face is effectively constituted during routine social interactions where parties collaborate to create conversational turns, actions, and interpretations. The dynamic interplay between interpersonal connection and separation constitutes the fundamental dialectic of human relational experiences. Such a dynamicity is, likewise, a theoretical, culture-general understanding of face. According to Arundale (2013), the basic dialectical relation between connectedness and separateness finds its culture-specific interpretations through the ongoing interactions of individuals in each culture and community of practice. Arundale (2013) believes that the first step in understanding how face is constituted in conversation is to investigate how each group interprets connectedness to and separation from others. Drawing on FCT, the present study first argues that the culture-specific understanding of relational connectedness and separation, already termed ‘bonding’ and ‘differentiation’ (Izadi, 2015, 2017), is conceptualized in the two folk terms samimiat (‘cordiality’, ‘friendliness’, ‘intimacy’) and ehterām (‘respect’, ‘deference’). Next, analyzing extracts from a conversation between the host and the guest in a reality TV talk show, the present study demonstrates how face as relational connection/samimiat and separation/ehterām is dynamically co-constituted through ongoing talk-in-interaction. Materials and Method To support the claim of the paper, firstly, we will describe the etymological and semantic features of the terms ‘samimiat’ and ‘ehterām’. Then, we will be concerned with reviewing and reinterpreting previous research findings on connection-separation dialectics. Next, we will embark upon analyzing some excerpts derived from one of the episodes of a talk show named Dorehami (‘get-together’), broadcast on national Iranian TV over a period of 4 years. The data set consists of a conversation between Mehran Modiri, the host, and his guest, Reza Rashidpour, another TV and radio host and presenter. The data are analyzed for any features that contribute to the relational connection and separation between the interlocuters. More specifically, conversations have been examined for the use of honorifics, address terms, ta’ārof conventions, word choice, turn size, and pauses to scrutinize how they constitute to practicing both ehterām and samimiat in the on-going talk. Discussion of Results & Conclusion The idea that samimiat and ehterām constitute the culture-specific construal of relational connection and separation was formed based on Hosseini (2019). He reports that his research participants were asked to comment on the appropriateness of the hosts’ behavior in eight extracts from two television talk shows where potentially evaluative moments had formed (see Watts, 2003). In Hosseini’s (2019) data, samimiat and ehterām and their synonyms were found to be the most frequent terms in the comments, suggesting that these terms play a key role in folk understandings of interpersonal relations in the Iranian culture. Etymologically, ehterām is derived from the Arabic triconsonantal root ‘h-r-m’ and is related to haram, harām, harim and hormat which are also common in Persian. Haram is defined as “any place that is highly respectable and not everyone is allowed to enter” (Anvari, 2002, p. 2503). Harim is “the territory of something sacred that is revered and trespassing it would be inappropriate” (Sadri Afshar et. al., 2002, p. 496). Harām means “banned or forbidden [for ethical or religious reasons]” and hormat is, to some extent, synonymous with ehterām and means ‘the quality of being forbidden’. As a result, ehterām can be understood as a kind of distance, curtain, or a distinction that separates people. This interpretation is in line with previous findings on ehterām (see below). Samimiat is a derivation from Arabic samim which etymologically means “the pure or main part of something located at its core which is not besmirched by anything” (Sadri Afshar et. al., 2002, p. 862). Samimi, as an adjective, is defined as “the quality of a relationship or behavior characterized by honesty, kindness and purity of friendliness” (Anvari, 2002). Samimiat, as a noun, is defined as “empathy and kindliness” (Sadri Afshar, et al. 2002). These descriptions indicate that samimiat, similar to connection in FCT, is a quality of the relationship and not a possession of the individual. The association of samimiat with “empathy”, “kindliness” and “friendliness” further suggests that it is related to “connectedness in a relationship”. Moreover, samimiat and ehterām have always been present in the Iranian studies on interpersonal relations, especially on politeness and face, but not together as a pair. Beeman (1986, p. 27) argues that the three key principles in Iranian interpersonal relations are ta’ārof (‘ritual politeness’), samimiat (‘cordiality’, ‘friendliness’) and zerangi (‘cleverness’, ‘wiliness’). Samimiat is defined by him as the ethics of “communality”, “friendliness” and “absolute reciprocity” (Beeman, 1986, p. 40) and “ties of intimacy” (p. 140). Koutlaki, (2009, p. 120) sees the cordiality principle as one of the three principles of politeness in Persian (the other two being deference and humility principles), explicating it as “show[ing] interest in other’s affairs, concern for other’s needs, comfort and welfare; express[ing] your agreement, sympathy with and friendliness towards other”. Although in the latter the word samimiat has not been explicitly addressed, the conceptualizations reminisce its function in Persian. Koutlaki (2002, P. 1742) defines ehterām as indexing one’s status in the hierarchy of social relationships. She believes that “[e]hterām … establishes the positions and statuses of the interactants with respect to one another and is shown through the adherence to the established norms of behaviour according to the addressee’s position, age, status and interlocutors’ relationship.” In the same vein, Izadi (2015, p. 85) also asserts that “ehterām highlights the distance (to whatever degree) between the individuals, hence hampering their total unity. In other words, every time two interactants use honorifics to pay ehterām to each other, they co-construct a degree of distance by not encroaching on each other’s territory of individuality and at times by recognizing each other’s social status.” Moreover, the existence of collocations like “samimi va/ammā mohtaramāneh”, (‘friendly/cordial and/but respectful’) and “mohtaramāneh ammā na chandān samimi” (‘respectful but not very friendly/cordial’) and the absence of “samimi ammā/va nāmohtaramāneh” (‘friendly/cordial and/but disrespectful’) further suggest that samimiat and ehterām are intertwined and the existence of one does not negate the other, but one implies the other: there is no samimiat/connection without ehterām/separation and no ehterām/separation is possible without a degree of samimiat/connection. Thus said, we argue that the bonding and differentiation that Izadi (2015, 2017) postulates as Iranian construal of connection and separation, is better captured in the folk terms samimiat and ehterām, respectively. Ehterām consists in indexing one’s horizontal or hierarchical distance from another individual and constitutes degrees of separation. Samimiat, however, involves using language that highlights one’s closeness, friendliness, and cordiality with one’s interlocuter. The rest of the paper illustrates how face as relational connection/samimiat and separation/ehterām is conjointly co-constituted in conversations from a reality TV show between the host and the guest. The interactants dynamically use the various resources available in the Persian language and culture, especially ta’ārof conventions, honorifics, address forms, disclaimers, turn size, pauses and gaze direction to construct different degrees of samimiat and ehterām depending on their goals and purposes at each moment of the conversation. It is concluded that in an on-going interaction, face, defined as connection with and separation from another, can be captured in Iranian culture in the folk terms samimiat and ehterām. It is constituted in the ongoing moment of interaction with a variety of verbal and non-verbal resources dynamically employed to co-construct relationships at the moment of interaction. The paper also demonstrates that focusing simply on Brown and Levinson’s strategies for saving positive and negative face cannot capture the dynamicity of face constitution in interaction. پژوهش حاضر به بررسی مفهوم وجهه به معنای پیوند و جدایی رابطه‌ای در فرهنگ ایرانی مطابق با نظریه ساخت وجهه می‌پردازد و ابتدا استدلال می‌کند که تفسیر و تأویل مفهوم نظری وجهه به معنای پیوند و جدایی رابطه‌ای در فرهنگ ایرانی، به ترتیب، عبارت است از دو مفهوم صمیمیت و احترام. سپس، نحوه ساخت وجهه به معنای دیالکتیک صمیمیت/پیوند و احترام/جدایی در بخش‌هایی از گفت‌وگوی بین مجری و مهمان در برنامه دورهمی بررسی و نشان داده می‌شود که چگونه دیالکتیک صمیمیت/پیوند و احترام/جدایی با استفاده از ابزارهای زبانی و غیرزبانی مثل نحوه به‌کارگیری شیوه‌های خطابِ مفرد و جمع یا ترکیبی، تعارفات مرسوم، ادات تکریم، مکث‌ها، طول نوبت، جهت نگاه، و جز آن ساخته می‌شود. افراد در هر لحظه از تعامل با توجه به تفسیری که در آن لحظه از رابطه خود با دیگری دارند با به‌کارگیری ابزارهای مختلف زبانی و غیرزبانی رابطه صمیمیت و احترام را مشترکاً و به شکلی پویا برمی‌سازند. این پویایی رابطه را نمی‌توان با فهرست راهبردهای حفظ وجهه سلبی و ایجابی، آن‌چنان‌که در نظریه براون و لوینسن معمول است، نشان داد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27533_1d2b177d82ba9dd8795ee07bd17ad35e.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 A Structural and Pragmatic Investigation of Conducive Interrogatives in Contemporary Persian Conversations بررسی ساختی و کاربردشناختی جملات پرسشی جهت‌مند در مکالمات زبان فارسی 153 172 27565 10.22108/jrl.2023.137346.1748 FA سلیمان قادری دانش‌آموختۀ دکتری زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان‏شناسی، دانشکده زبانهای خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 04 13 Abstract: Not only do the interrogatives characteristically serve the pragmatic function of questioning, they are also used for a variety of other functions. Yes-no biased interrogatives, such as rhetorical, tag, and conducive interrogatives, imply that a particular answer is expected or desired. The current study describes conducive interrogatives from structural and pragmatic perspectives in contemporary Persian conversations. It is also aimed towards pointing out some differences among the types of biased interrogatives. The present research demonstrated that, from a structural point of view, assertive words (e.g., combinations of baɂzi ‘some’), some special constructions (e.g., the coordination tags of yā čize digeɂi ‘or something else’, yā hamčin čizi ‘or something like this’), and the wh- interrogatives with self-supplied answers are some factors for positive conductivity. From a pragmatic point of view, conducive interrogatives are helpful when requesting confirmation, expressing surprise, criticizing, introducing or presenting information, offering or asking for help, and reaching an agreement. The current study also attested to the existence of epistemic, deontic, and desiderative conductivity in Persian. Findings suggest that the incorporation of special constructions, in addition to particular usages in the context, will result in a matched or reversed polarity between the interrogatives and their answers. Keywords: Interrogatives, Conducive Interrogatives; Biased Interrogatives; Rhetorical Interrogatives, Modality. Introduction Biased interrogatives are often yes-no interrogatives that are endowed with a built-in bias towards one answer rather than another (see Biber et al., 1999: 1113-1117). Interrogatives such as rhetorical, tag, and conducive can be deemed as representatives of biased interrogatives. In these structures, the questioner's confidence in his presuppositions or expectations may reach the point upon which s/he implies the answer in his/her question and therefore does not expect an answer from the audience, as for example in rhetorical interrogative (1), for instance. However, sometimes the questioner may be suspicious of his/her default information, in which case s/he often needs to get an answer from the audience while guiding the audlence to his/her desired answer, as, for example, in conducive interrogative (2). xodā nāzer bar kāre=šān nist-Ø? God observer over deed=PC.3PL NEG.COP.PRS-3SG ‘Isn’t God watching over their deeds?’ emruz pānzdahom ast-Ø? today fifteenth COP.PRS-1SG ‘Is today the fifteenth?’ (Instead of the neutral question, what date is today?) Several studies have been carried out to investigate conducive interrogatives in other languages, especially English (e.g., Bublitz, 1981; Piazza, 2002). Nevertheless, despite only few preliminary works on the types of rhetorical and tag interrogatives in Persian (e.g., Shamisa, 2016; Ghasemi, 2020), scant attention has been directed towards introducing and describing other types of biased interrogatives, particularly conducive type, as well as mulling over the distinction between biased interrogative types (such as examples 1 and 2). Therefore, the present study moves towards the structural and pragmatic investigation of conducive interrogatives in contemporary Persian, and seeks to find out: 1. what is the structure of conducive interrogatives in Persian? 2. What are the main functions of conducive interrogatives? Materials and Methods The present study strives to examine Persian conducive interrogatives using descriptive and explanatory methodology. In this regard, the data comes from 40 hours of modern Persian conversations, consisting of recorded files, radio and television programs, and internet surfing. We sifted the dataset to opt for yes-no interrogatives with a question intonation or a question mark. Through so doing, we left out sentences lacking these characteristics. Concerning the interpretation of the data, special attention was paid to the two variables of structure and function. The structural variable expressed characteristics such as the presence of certain constructions or special grammatical items with a pivotal role in highlighting conductivity and emergence of polarity. This point is investigated in this study to see whether or not the presence of these elements causes matched or reversed polarity between a question and its answer. Regarding the function variable, discourse functions and the corresponding speech acts were examined in conducive interrogatives. Discussion and Conclusions The following results were obtained from the present study: In interrogative sentences, the degree of confidence of the questioner in the truth of his/her presuppositions is inversely related to the expectation of receiving an answer from the audience. Therefore, in biased interrogatives, the amount of response expectation is reduced from tags and conducive interrogatives to rhetorical ones. The present research demonstrated that from a structural point of view, positive declarative interrogatives (as in ex. 3), assertive words (e.g., combinations of baɂzi ‘some’) (as in ex. 4), some special constructions (e.g., the coordination tags of yā čize digeɂi ‘or something else’, yā hamčin čizi ‘or something like this’) (as in ex. 5), and the wh- interrogatives with self-supplied answers (as in ex. 6) are some factors for a positive conductivity. Instead, some negative declarative interrogatives and negative conductivity items (such as hič ‘any’ combinations) generally indicate a negative conductivity. qazā=t=o tamum kard-i? food=PC.2SG=OM finished do.PST-2SG ‘Have you finished your food?’ vaqt.ā bāzār mi-raft-and? sometimes market IPFV-go.PST-3PL ‘Did they sometimes go to the market?’ kenār=e bozorgrāh yā hamčin jāʔi bud-and? beside=EZ highway or like somewhere COP.PST-3PL ‘Were they on the side of the highway or somewhere like that?’ sāat=e čand xob=e, čāhār? clock=EZ what good=COP.PRS-3SG four ‘What time is good, four?’ From a pragmatic point of view, conducive interrogatives are helpful in contexts featured with requesting confirmation (as in ex. 7), expressing surprise (as in ex. 8), criticizing (as in ex. 9), offering or asking for help (as in ex. 10), introducing or presenting information (as in ex. 11), and reaching an agreement (as in ex. 12). hanuz hamsare=t=ro mi-zan-i? still wife=PC.2SG=OM IPFV-bit.PRS-2SG ‘Do you still beat your wife?’ hanuz zende ast-Ø? still alive COP.PRS-3SG ‘Is he still alive?!’ ne-mi-tun-i sāf rānnandegi.kon-i? NEG-IPFV-be.able.PRS-2SG straight drive.PRS-2SG ‘Can't you drive straight?’ kami čai mi-xor-i? some tea IPFV-eat.PRS-2SG ‘Would you like to drink some tea?’ šenid-i šohar=e Azam xānum ye zan=e dige gereft-e Ø? hear.PST-2SG husband=EZ Azam Mrs. one wife=EZ other take-PP COP.PRS-3SG ‘Have you heard that Azam's husband married another woman?’ ne-miš-e dotā=ro barā=m be-xar-i? NEG-IPFV-be.possible.PRS-3SG two=OM for=PC.1SG SBJV-buy.PRS-2SG ‘Can't you buy both for me?’ Directive speech act was the most common act in conducive interrogatives. The reason for this lies behind forcing the audience to answer on the one hand and encouraging him towards the questioner's expected answer on the other. Both are the characteristic of conducive interrogatives. Rhetorical and tag interrogatives are basically in reversed polarity with their answers (ex. 1). This is while the state of polarity between conducive interrogatives and their expected answers depends on the discursive functions of those interrogatives. In this regard, in more common applications, including requesting confirmation (ex. 7), expressing surprise (ex. 8), offering or asking for help (ex. 10), the matched polarity prevails between questions and answers. This is while in the applications of introducing or presenting information (ex. 11) and reaching an agreement (ex. 12) the polarity is reversed . Overall, conducive interrogatives are often positive and have the same polarity as their answer; therefore, the questioner expects the audience to provide him/her with a positive answer. Being in line with the intersubjective relationships among people in the conversation, this trend shows the cooperation of the discourse partners in reaching an agreement. The current study also attested that in Persian biased interrogatives there are epistemic bias (a matter of the speaker thinking, expecting, or knowing that one answer is the right one) as in 8, deontic bias (a matter of the speaker judging that one answer ought to be the right one) as in 9, and desiderative conductivity (where the speaker wants one answer to be the right one) as in 12. In the end, it should be acknowledged that various paralinguistic factors such as intonation and non-linguistic factors such as social and cultural variables (e.g., power relations and the physical context) can be responsible for interpreting a yes-no question as a biased question, representing the speaker's tendency to a certain answer. اگرچه کاربرد ماهیتی جملات پرسشی، طرح سؤال است؛ اما این جملات می‌توانند کاربردهای متعدد دیگری را نیز در سطح کلام برجسته ‌کنند. در این میان، گونۀ پرسش‌های سوی‌مدار بله-خیر که دربردارندۀ پرسش‌های بلاغی، تأکیدی، ضمیمه‌ای و جهت‌مند است نشان‌دهندۀ تمایل ضمنی پرسشگر به یکی از جواب‌ها است. مطالعۀ حاضر ضمن اشاره به برخی از تمایزات میان انواع پرسش‌های سوی‌مدار، به توصیف پرسش‌های جهت‌مند از منظر ساختی و کاربردشناختی در مکالمات روزمرۀ فارسی پرداخته است. بررسی حاضر نشان داد که از منظر ساختی کلمات قطبی مثبت (مانند ترکیبات بعضی) و ساخت‌های ویژه (مانند ضمیمه‌های همپایگی یا چیز دیگه‌ای، یا همچین چیزی) و پاسخ‌های ضمیمه‌شده به انتهای پرسش از جمله عوامل جهت‌مندی مثبت به شمار می‌روند. از منظر کاربردشناختی، پرسش‌های جهت‌مند برای درخواست تأیید، بیان تعجب، انتقاد، مقدمه‌سازی و بیان اطلاعات، عنوان پیشنهاد یا درخواست کمک و درخواست توافق مفید واقع می‌شوند. این مطالعه نشان داد که انواع جهت‌مندی معرفتی، ایجابی و تمنایی در پرسش‌های فارسی وجود دارد و اینکه ساخت‌های مخصوص در کنار کاربرد مشخص در بافت موجب تبلور قطبیت یکسان یا معکوس میان پرسش و پاسخ آن خواهند شد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27565_3c21ddfb10bacf6c38967b21bb1ff6cd.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 Weight Pattern of Tri-syllabic Words in Persian: Moraic Theory توزیع الگوهای وزن مورایی در انواع واژه‌های سه‌هجایی: نظریۀ مورایی 173 198 27577 10.22108/jrl.2023.136664.1712 FA حکیمه فنودی دانشجوی دکتری زبانشناسی،واحد علوم و تحقیقات،دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی، تهران،ایران عالیه کرد زعفرانلو کامبوزیا دانشیار گروه زبانشناسی،دانشگاه تربیت مدرس،تهران،ایران حیات عامری دانشیار گروه زبانشناسی،دانشگاه تربیت مدرس،تهران،ایران Journal Article 2023 01 31 Abstract This paper examines weight patterns in tri-syllabic words within a Moraic-theoretic account. A word weight pattern is weight of syllables and is defined based on distinction between heavy and light syllables (Carr, 2008:172); Here, the notion of mora (symbolized μ) as a basic timing unit provides a distinction between 'light' and 'heavy' syllables. Hayes (1989:356) mentions that heavy syllables have more moras compared to light ones. Also, there are some weight alternations in the syllabic patterns of Persian tri-syllabic words; that is, in an alternative weight pattern, syllables are distributed so that weight is alternately high and low. In order to study and compare weight patterns of simple, derivative and compound words, about 32 thousand tri-syllabic words were collected from Dehkhoda (2003) and Moshiri (2009) dictionaries. Then, they were sorted in an Excel worksheet with all phonological information, including weight of syllables (light, heavy, super-heavy, and ultra-heavy). Also, alternative and non-alternative weight patterns were specified. Results indicate that there happen 49 weight patterns in tri-syllabic words and syllables of one mora (mono-moraic), two moras (bi-moraic), three moras (tri-moraic), and even four moras (tetra-moraic) are probable. However, the sequence of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables is the most frequent and tri-moraic and tetra-moraic syllables, especially adjacent ones, are less frequent. This indicates that tri-syllabic words tend towards short syllables. Moreover, the non-alternative quasi-monotonic weight patterns are the most frequent ones. Likewise, simple words ideally tend to sequences of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables and tetra-moraic ones are loanwords; the derivatives are heavier than the simple and lighter than the compounds. Keywords: Syllable Weight, Mora, Derivative, Simple, Compound, Tri-Syllabic. Introduction Weight pattern of a word is the weight of its syllables and is defined based on distinction between heavy and light syllables (Carr, 2008:172). Mora is a basic timing unit that link prosodic and segmental information, represented by the root node. Mora is equal to or shorter than a syllable and the weight of the syllable does not depend on the number of segments in the syllable but the number of moras in it. Heavy and super heavy syllables are of more moras compared to light syllable with one mora; for example, a short syllable such as ‘ba’ consists of one mora (mono-moraic), while a long syllable such as ‘baa’ consists of two (bi-moraic). Such metrics are also referred to as syllable weight (Hayes,1989: 356). In Moraic Theory, only rhyme constituents contribute to the weight of the syllable and are tied to moras (µ), while onsets are tied directly to the syllable node (σ) with no role in weight (Hyman, 1985: 145-6). According to Kambuziya (2006:135) “in moraic theory, short vowels bear one mora and long vowels bear two moras are not considered phonologically light at all.” In this connection, Ghorbanpour (2019) and Salimi (2018) studied the weight pattern of bi-syllabic and tetra-syllabic words. Granted with this and many other studies, we shall study and compare the weight patterns in different kinds of tri-syllabic words including the simple, derivative and compound in Persian within a Moraic-theoretic account. Thus, firstly, we shall overview the main tenets of the theory, syllable weight, and the alternation of weight in syllabic patterns. Then, we shall specify the distribution of tri-syllabic words’ weight pattern and the alternative and non-alternative patterns. The main problem of the study is to examine the distribution of weight patterns in simple and non-simple words derived from a large corpus of 32 thousand tri-syllabic words. The present study is also aimed at investigating whether there are any meaningful relations between the number of syllables, word formation, and the moraic weight patterns. Materials and Methods The research data includes a set of 32 thousand tri-syllabic words in Persian collected from Dehkhoda (2003) and Moshiri (2009) dictionaries. The words were sorted in an Excel worksheet with all their etymological and phonological information, including the weight of syllables (light, heavy, super-heavy, and ultra-heavy) and the number of moras. Then, alternative and non-alternative weight patterns were determined. Discussion and Conclusion The present study eximaned the distribution of weight patterns of tri-syllabic words, including simple, derivative and compound words. Findings suggest that there happen 49 weight patterns in tri-syllabic words and syllables of one mora (mono-moraic), two moras (bi-moraic), and three moras (tri-moraic). Interestingly, the results show that even four moras (tetra-moraic) are probable in Persian. However, a sequence of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables - the pattern 1,2,2 - is the most frequent. This is while syllables of tri-moraic and tetra-moraic, especially the adjacent ones, are less frequent. This is an indicative of tri-syllabic words’ tendency toward short syllables. Also, simple words often tend to sequences of mono-moraic and bi-moraic syllables and those with tetra-moraic ones are generally loanwords. Moreover, the derivatives are heavier than the simple and lighter than the compounds. Thus, the number of heavy syllables probably increases through the transition from simple words to complex ones. For a more accurate categorization, the non-alternative patterns were divided into monotonic, quasi-monotonic, ascending, descending, and disordered. Results indicate that non-alternative quasi-monotonic patterns are the most frequent weight patterns in all kinds of tri-syllabic words. پژوهش حاضر به مطالعۀ چگونگی توزیع الگوهای وزن مورایی در انواع واژههای سههجایی فارسی اعم از بسیط، مشتق، مرکب و مشتق-مرکب در چارچوب نظریۀ مورایی میپردازد. الگوی وزنی یک واژه عبارتست از وزن هجاهای موجود در آن واژه و بر تمایز میان هجاهای سنگین و سبک استوار است (Carr, 2008:172). در نظریۀ مورایی هجاهای سنگینتر مورای بیشتری نسبت به هجاهای سبک‌تر دارند.(Hayes, 1989:356) برای مطالعه و مقایسۀ الگوهای وزنی انواع واژه‌های سههجایی، دو فرهنگ لغت 60000 واژه‌ای دهخدا (1385) و 40000 واژه‌ای مشیری (1388) مطالعه و تعداد 32 هزار واژۀ سههجایی شناسایی شدند. سپس، این واژهها با استفاده از نرمافزار اکسل و براساس اطلاعاتی مانند ریشۀ زبانی، نوع واژه، صورت واجی، ساخت هجایی و وزن هجای اول تا سوم دستهبندی شدند و انواع الگوهای وزنی استخراج گردید. همچنین، برای بررسی مفهوم تناوب وزن هجاها، انواع الگوهای وزنی متناوب و نامتناوب مشخص شدند. نتایج بررسی دادهها نشان داد در مجموع 49 الگوی وزنی بالفعل در واژههای سههجایی دیده میشود و بیشترین فراوانی متعلق به توالی هجاهای یک و دومورایی است. ازطرفی، هجاهای سه و چهارمورایی، به‌ویژه در مجاورت یکدیگر، بسامد بسیارکمی دارند. این نکته نشان میدهد که واژههای سههجایی به توالی هجاهای کوتاه گرایش دارند. الگوهای نامتناوب شبهیکنواخت در انواع این واژهها غالب است. به‌علاوه، توالیهای یک و دومورایی رویۀ مطلوب واژههای بسیط است و هیچ واژۀ بسیط سههجایی با هجای چهارمورایی در جایگاه غیرپایانی و پایانی یافت نشد، بجز موارد اندکی که همگی وامواژه بودند. ازطرفی، واژه‌‌های مشتق نسبت به واژه‌های بسیط به لحاظ وزنی، سنگین‌تر و نسبت به واژه‌های مرکب سبک‌تر هستند.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27577_00e134731ad7ee539fcc213b2e971b30.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 14 2 2022 09 23 The Argument Structure of Deverbal Nouns: Evidence from Kurdish (Sanandaji Variety) ساختار موضوعی اسم‌فعل: بررسی موردی زبان کردی (گونه‌ی سنندجی) 199 218 27579 10.22108/jrl.2023.135992.1696 FA یادگار کریمی گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان و ادبیات، دانشگاه کردستان، ایران نیاز تیشه گران دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان و ادبیات انگلیسی و زبانشناسی، دانشگاه کردستان، ایران Journal Article 2022 12 05 Abstract The purpose of this paper is to investigate the argument structure of deverbal nouns, and the restrictions on the mapping of arguments in Sanandaji Kurdish. Due to the syntactic-space limitations of the DP in the language (i.e, the Ezafe construction), the issue concerning how to map the arguments of a deverbal noun and the limitations governing its argument structure are important. This is mainly because achieving a comprehensive mapping space that covers different syntactic projections is a desirable theoretical goal in generative approaches to argument structure. In this research, first, deverbal nouns are divided into four categories: unergative, unaccusative, two-place predicate, and three-place predicate. In unergative deverbal nouns, the external argument is instantiated as Ezafe to the deverbal noun and it cannot be incorporated into the deverbal noun. Regarding the unaccusative deverbal nouns, the internal argument can be present both as Ezafe and as being incorporated into the deverbal noun. There are two forms regarding transitive deverbal nouns: the internal argument can be instantiated as Ezafe and the external argument cannot be present, or the external argument is instantiated as Ezafe, and the internal argument is incorporated into the deverbal noun. In the last category of Sanandaji Kurdish deverbal nouns, the Goal is in the form of a Preposition Phrase (PP) and cannot check the EPP feature and be raised to the subject position. Keywords: Argument Structure, Deverbal Nouns, Nominalization, Incorporation, Ezafe Construction Introduction Research on argument structure of predicates traditionally focuses on verbs and pays less attention to nominal, adjectival, and prepositional predicates. In this study, we will analyze the argument structure of nouns in Kurdish, the Sanandaji variety. Deverbal nouns are represented syntactically in the Determiner Phrase, and this is different from the syntactic representation of the arguments of their verbal counterparts. In this study, we investigate the interaction of deverbal noun argument structure and Ezafe construction, as well as the limitations governing it. In particular, we will examine how the argument structure of nouns in Kurdish should be represented from a descriptive perspective. From a theoretical standpoint, we will also examine whether predictions of the adopted theoretical approach to the argument structure of nouns and its relationship to the argument structure of verbal predicates is confirmed. Materials and Methods This is a theoretical study using the qualitative approach. In order to analyze the data, we adopted a generative framework, especially its latest form, the Minimalist Program. Researchers are native Kurdish speakers, one of them is Sanandaji. In addition to using linguistic intuition, the researchers also used the linguistic judgment of other native speakers of Sanandaji Kurdish to ensure the accuracy of data. Discussion and Conclusions In so doing, deverbal nouns are divided into four categories, corresponding to their verbal counterparts: unergative, unaccusative, two-place predicate, and three-place predicate. As it concerns the derivation of unergative deverbal nouns, it is argued that the only argument in the argument structure (external argument) agrees with the head D, and finally checks its case as a genitive. The EPP on D raises the external argument to Spec DP that is the final possessor position. This movement explains the genitive case as well as the placement of the external argument in Ezafe construction. Also, granted with this analysis, the external argument is not capable of being incorporated into the deverbal noun because such a movement is contrary to the Extension Principle whereby all movements must target the root node. In the derivation of unaccusative deverbal nouns, in the absence of an external argument, the head D would agree with the internal argument, checking its case as genitive. The EPP on D, then, raise the internal argument to Spec DP, with the internal argument ending up in the possessor position. As concerns the derivation of two-place predicate deverbal nouns, it was argued that due to the presence of only one case-assigner, i.e., D, only the closest argument, that is, the external argument, c-commanded by D has its case check as genitive. Then, to check the EPP, the external argument is raised to the possessor position. Thus viewed, the only option left for licensing the internal argument is the its incorporation into the deverbal noun head. Finally, in the derivation of the argument structure of three-place predicate deverbal nouns, it was argued that all three arguments could potentially appear with the deverbal noun, only if the internal argument is incorporated into the deverbal noun, the external argument raised into spec, DP, the possessor position in Ezafe construction, with the Goal argument appearing in as PP. According to the analysis presented above, the representation of argument structure for deverbal nouns follows the principles assumed in the Minimalist Program. Argument licensing is accomplished by independently motivated mechanisms of case-checking and incorporation within the DP configuration. ترسیم مختصات شیوه نگاشت نحوی موضوع‌ها به شکلی فراگیر که قابل تعمیم به ساختار موضوعی انواع محمول‌ها اعم از فعلی و غیرفعلی باشد، یک غایت مطلوب نظری در رویکردهای زایشی به ساختار موضوعی است. در این مقاله، ساختار موضوعی اسمفعل به‌عنوان محمولی غیرفعلی، در زبان کردی، گونه سنندجی بررسی و کنکاش میشود. با توجه به محدودیت‌های فضای نحوی گروه معرف (DP) در زبان کردی سنندجی (به دلیل حضور ساخت اضافه[1])، مسئله نحوه نگاشت موضوع‌های اسم‌فعل و محدودیت‌های حاکم بر ساختار موضوعی آن اهمیت می‌یابد. بر پایه مشاهدات تجربی، اسمفعلها به چهار دسته پادکنایی، پادمفعولی، دو ظرفیتی و سه ‌ظرفیتی تقسیم میشوند. در اسم‌فعل‌های پادکنایی موضوع بیرونی به شکل اضافه به اسم فعل می‌پیوندد و قابلیت انضمام ندارد. در خصوص اسمفعلهای پادمفعولی، نشان داده می‌شود که موضوع درونی هم به‌صورت اضافه و هم انضمامی می‌تواند حضور داشته باشد. اسمفعلهای متعدی دو صورت را به نمایش می‌گذارند: موضوع درونی می‌تواند به‌صورت اضافه حضور یابد و موضوع بیرونی قابلیت حضور ندارد؛ یا اینکه موضوع بیرونی در حالت اضافه و موضوع درونی انضمامی است. در آخرین دسته از اسمفعلهای کردی سنندجی، موضوع درونی هدف به‌صورت گروه حرف اضافه است و قابلیت بازبینی مشخصه EPP و ارتقا به جایگاه فاعل را ندارد. با مفروض پنداشتن رویکرد برون-اسکلتی بورر (2005 a, b)، استدلال خواهد شد که ویژگی‌ها و محدودیت‌های منحصربه‌فرد ناظر بر نگاشت موضوع‌های اسم‌فعل تابعی از اصول و فرایندهای عام و مستقل حرکت هسته-به-هسته، بازبینی حالت، اصل گسترش ریشه و اصل فرافکنی گسترده هستند. [1] ezafe construction

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27579_94ca1ab3ba936d421353b4c1086e688e.pdf