دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 A comparative analysis of word-formation processes involved in the formation of onomatopoeic words in Russian and Persian languages بررسی تطبیقی فرایندهای واژه‌سازی دخیل در ساخت نام‌آواواژه‌ها در زبان‌های روسی و فارسی 1 24 27616 10.22108/jrl.2023.136996.1734 FA شلر ابراهیم شریفی استادیار زبان روسی، گروه فرانسه-روسی، دانشکدۀ زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 03 04 Abstract Having been endowed with forms and meanings different from other words in a language as well as other special structural features such as reduplicative structure, onomatopoeic words are regarded as linguistic universals, widely involved in the formation and derivation of new onomatopoeic words. Examining the structure of onomatopoeic words and mulling over their semantic properties in Russian and Persian languages, this study found that the general process of onomatopoeic words’ derivation is different in the two languages. Moreover, this study indicated that typological differences between Russian, as an inflectional and agglutinative language, and Persian, as an analytical and agglutinative language, play pivotal roles in the construction of different patterns as well as different word-formation processes, governing the formation of onomatopoeic words. Moreover, the study of semantic aspects of word-formation processes illustrated that this class of words have a category-building role in Russian. This is while in Persian onomatopoeic words, in addition to the primary onomatopoeic and categorical meanings, another semantic layer including certain aspects such as plurality, diversity, hypocorism, and continuance is added to the derived onomatopoeic words. Keywords: Semantics of Onomatopoeia; Onomatopoeic words; Word-formation; Persian; Russian Introduction One of the significant features of onomatopoeic words is that they trigger the formation of new onomatopoeic words. The derived words have the onomatopoeic productive base and create new onomatopoeic words that belong to different word classes. This is mainly based on following the common word-formation processes in language. Similar to the other words in a language, new onomatopoeic words play important roles in a sentence. For example, in Persian, the verb "غریدن"[to roar], the adjective "غرغرو"[ a growler], the adverb "غران"[roaring] and the noun "غرش"[roar] are derived from the onomatopoeic word "غر " [roar, growl] which is the sound of a toad. Likewise, in Russian, the verb " хохотать "[ to laugh out loud], the nouns " хохот "[ laughing out loud] and "хохотун "[ someone who laughs out loud] are derived from the onomatopoeic word "хо " [ha] which instantiate the sound of laughter. Analyzing the structure of onomatopoeic words both in Russian and Persian languages as well as extracting the word-formation processes involved in their construction, the present study indicated the general derivational processes of onomatopoeic words in the two languages. It also identified the governing patterns of onomatopoeia formation. Moreover, this study investigated the semantic aspects of the applied word-formation processes and the connotative meanings added to the meaning of the basic onomatopoeic words. Materials and Methods This is a mixed-method study with a descriptive and qualitative approach. In this study, firstly, the structure of 596 randomly selected samples was analyzed so as to identify and classify word-formation methods involved in the derivation of onomatopoeic words in Russian and Persian. In the next step, the frequency of the examined samples in each word class was extracted so as to determine the frequency of each method. The analyzed data in Persian (320 instances) come from the "Dictionary of the Onomatopoeic Words in the Persian Language" (Kamiyar-Vahidian, 1996). The process of collecting Russian onomatopoeic words (276 instances) involved two stages. Firstly, the Russian onomatopoeic words were all collected from different articles and dissertations that had examined Russian onomatopoeic words (e.g., Aliyeva, 2014, 2018; Tishina, 2010; Trityakova, 1985). Secondly, the Russian-Russian dictionaries were used in order to find out their meanings and functions and also identify other onomatopoeic words with the same root. Results and Conclusion The analysis of the structure of onomatopoeic words in Russian and Persian languages indicated that typological differences between the two languages play an influential role in selecting onomatopoeic word-formation methods. Russian, belonging to the inflectional and agglutinative type of language, revealed a greater tendency to attach the suffixes to the productive base of onomatopoeic words. This is largely due to its inflectional structure (60% frequency). Persian is an analytical-agglutinative language; therefore, due to its analytical structure, compounding is very active process (46% frequency) in the derivation of onomatopoeic words. Moreover, due to its agglutinative structure, the derivation of onomatopoeic words by through suffixation is ranked second among the word formation processes (38% frequency). However, the compounding or other related processes do not play any role in the formation of onomatopoeic words in Russian. The inflectional structure of Russian has been widely reflected in the formation of verbs that are directly derived from onomatopoeic words. This study indicated that there are different processes governing onomatopoeic word-formation patterns in the two languages. In Russian, the first level of derivation belongs to verbs, and 79% of noun-onomatopoeic words are made up of verbs. This is while in Persian, the first level of derivation belongs to verbs and second level to nouns. It is important to note that nouns are directly derived from onomatopoeic words. In Russian, the dominant pattern for the derivation of onomatopoeic words is « Onomatopoeic word → Verb → Noun, Adjective, and Adverb». However, the dominant pattern in Persian is «Onomatopoeic word → Noun; Onomatopoeic word → Adjective; Onomatopoeic word → Verb; Onomatopoeic word → Adverb; Onomatopoeic word → Verb → Adjective, Adverb; Onomatopoeic word → Noun → Adjective, Adverb». This study also demonstrated that the greater diversity of word-formation methods in Persian in comparison with Russian lies in the ratio of verb-to-noun onomatopoeic words as well as the diversity of connotative meanings. Furthermore, the ratio of verb-to-noun onomatopoeic words is 194 to 82 in Russian and 123 to 107 in Persian. In addition, Russian onomatopoeic words mainly convey the central categorical meaning of word classes such as doing an action, naming the subject or action, quality, or state, but onomatopoeic words in Persian have added other semantic aspects such as plurality, sequence, endearing, continuance, intensity, diminutive, capability, and the like. نام‌آواها از جمله جهانی‌های زبانی به شمار می‌آیند و دوگان‌ساخت بودن یا استفاده از فرایند تکرار در ساخت‌واژه‌ نیز از ویژگی‌های جهانی آن‌ها است. یکی از ویژگی‌های بارز نام‌آواها حضور فعال آن‌ها به‌عنوان پایۀ مولّد در ساخت نام‌آواواژه‌ها و ساخت اسم، فعل، صفت و قید است. این پژوهش که در زمرۀ پژوهش‌های ترکیبی با اولویت کیفی قرار می‌گیرد با بررسی ساختار 596 نام‌آواواژۀ غیرعاطفی در زبان‌های روسی و فارسی به توصیف و تحلیل فرایندهای واژه‌سازی دخیل در ساخت آن‌ها و استخراج بسامد روش‌های به‌کاررفته می‌پردازد. نمونه‌های مورد مطالعۀ زبان فارسی از «فرهنگ نام‌آواهای زبان فارسی» و نمونه‌های مورد بررسی زبان روسی از مقالاتی که به بررسی نام‌آواهای روسی پرداخته‌اند، «فرهنگ واژه‌سازی زبان روسی» و فرهنگ‌‌های روسی به روسی گردآوری شده‌اند. این پژوهش نشان می‌دهد که روند کلی فرایند اشتقاق نام‌آواواژه‌ها در زبان‌های روسی و فارسی متفاوت است و تفاوت گونه‌شناختی زبان روسی به‌عنوان زبانی تصریفی و پیوندی و زبان فارسی به‌عنوان زبانی تحلیلی و پیوندی در تفاوت الگوی حاکم بر ساخت نام‌آواواژه‌ها و تفاوت فرایندهای واژه‌سازی‌ مؤثر بوده است؛ بررسی بعد معنایی فرایندهای ساخت‌واژی اعمال‌شده نیز نشان می‌دهد در زبان روسی آن‌ها نقش مقوله‌ساز داشته‌اند در حالی ‌که نام‌آواواژه‌های زبان فارسی علاوه بر معنای اولیۀ نام‌آوا و معنای مقوله‌ای جنبه‌های معنایی دیگری نظیر کثرت، تنوع، تحبیب، توالی و غیره را نیز به نام‌آواواژه‌ها اضافه کرده‌اند.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27616_890ac47cdadea696f6be172afc92b981.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 On the semiotics of Iranian Muckbang-cookbang discourse: from creation to co-creation of brand values گفتمانِ موکبانگ-کوکبانگ در جریان خلق تا هم‌آفرینی ارزشِ برندهای خوراکِ ایرانی 25 54 27650 10.22108/jrl.2023.137236.1744 FA فریده حق بین استاد گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران نرجس منفرد پژوهشگر پسادکتری، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 04 15 Abstract The Muckbang discourse, as digital commensality, depicts the preparation of food (Cookbang) or eating food (Muckbang) by an influencer in the presence of other users. This trend is considered as a tool for spreading Korean food tradition as an essential part of the Hallyu or "Korean wave." Through indirect means as well as the interaction of influencers with social network users, the Korean wave of Hallyu has been recontextualized in Iran in its own particular way. In this connection, as it concerns Iranian brand values, discovering the implicit levels of meaning-making in Muckbang or the Korean wave of Hallyu in Iran requires adopting and applying an interpretive multidisciplinary approach. The research corpus consists of all Muckbang-cookbangs that were purposefully selected by considering the meaning-making mechanisms of food culture system. Employing an integrated model for data analyses, the results indicated that the cultural codes of food in Iranian Muckbang-cookbang discourse represents the value of food brands through and in terms of the type of food, the style of eating and preparing. The results suggest that concerning food type, the Muckbang discourse of native Iranians particularly includes the consumption of unpleasant food, flavor-enhanced food, and crunchy and fresh food. Besides, Iranian Muckbang discourse also includes the consumption of some non-native foods such as squid, crabs, and calamari. The examination of written interactions revealed that some users and followers encouraged other users to accept the Hallyu wave by weakening the local cultural structures and enriching the elements of the global Hallyu wave. This is while another group of users avoided accepting this trend by maintaining and preserving the local traditional elements. In Muckbang discourse, the eating style often stimulates the senses of users with amplified sounds, challenging them to overeat, binging, and eating alone or in pairs. Depending on the type of eating, Iranian Muckbangs include eating with amplified sound, overeating, and fast eating challenges, often performed in person or in pairs. Finally, Cookbang discourse in Iran includes selecting and preparing food from foreign countries, especially East Asia, depending on their origins, communicating current and modern fast food in line with McDonald's global trends, and finally recontextualizing the recipes of traditional Iranian foods based on historical narratives. Keywords: Muckbang, Cookbang, Hallyu Korean wave, social network marketing, food cultural system, Iran. Intruduction Eating is practiced not only to fulfil biological needs and to be nourished, but also to be involved in a social activity (Choe, 2021: 137; Beeman, 2014; Kerner et al., 2015). In most cultures, eating together is considered a valued activity. In Korean culture, "loneliness" means "without anyone" (Choe et al., 2015; Kim, 2018). With this in mind, albeit many young Koreans live alone and independently, they have used digital technology innovatively to meet the need for communal eating (Choe, 2019). The importance of the collective act of eating in traditional Korean culture has led to the emergence of the Muckbang discourse in cyberspace. Muckbang was created with an aim to preserve the sense of collective eating in an online forum, so that the new generation, who are forced to live a modern lifestyle, would not suffer emotional damage. To put it more clearly, Muckbang is a new method of online social activity to satisfy the need for collective eating (Choe et al., 2015). Based on this, Muckbang is a type of digital commensality- collective eating - where a person eats in the presence other users (Beeman, 2014; Eleftheriou-Smith, 2017). Then all viewers share their views and ideas to start an online interaction in a live virtual space. The Hallyu trend was first introduced in 2010 by Muckbang presenters and on the Korean live video platform known as Africa TV. Since then, It has widely and globally spread to other areas across the world over time (Kim, 2018). This new form of Muckbang motivates the sensory stimulation of viewers. Interestingly, it is known as "food porn" in Western cultures with visual representations of food and hearing food sounds (Song, 2023). The identification of the strategic aspects of Muckbang discourse, as a new genre of influential marketing in the cultural or creative industries (Yu, 2022), is spreading across the globe through social networks (Khamis et al., 2017: 191-208). According to De Veirman et. al., (2017: 798-824), Muckbang has also provided a platform for more intimate relationships with consumers. This has not only increased brand identity awareness and professional brand equity building, but also has created a comfortable understanding of brand identity among loyal and potential customers (De Veirman et al., 2017). Over time, with the interactive capabilities of the social network improved, the Muckbang discourse, as an essential part of the Korean Hallyu wave (Chu, 2018), has not only found the possibility of transformation and continuous life, but also has grown with flexibility and the change of its original form to permeate to different cultures in different ways. In constant interaction with global users, this strategic trend in modern marketing, has either led to a change in their attitude or to overcome non-native opponents in a conservative and flexible way and try to gain more credibility. In today's Iran, grounded upon the processes of globalization, the Korean Hallyu wave has on the one hand spread in virtual spaces and led to the creation of value in the process of interacting with users and on the other hand contributed to the restoration of the Korean cultural system. Changing the cultural codes of Iranian food, this mysterious current has prepared the ground for the formation of a new wave with a constructed identity that has adopted elements from Iranian food system. Presenting the influential aspects of this current in the local food system has undoubtedly led us to discover the hidden or at least implicit layers of this current in Iran. In this context, we intend to analyze the discourse of this current from the emergence of Korean Hallyu wave to the spread of global Muckbang wave to the localized Muckbang in Iran. On this basis, we will try to answer the following question: "How does the Korean Hallyu wave represent the indigenous Iranian Muckbang food culture system in the process of co-creating the value of Iranian food tokens?" The structure of the paper is as follows: First, we will overview the current literature on the subject. Second, we will outline the research methodology. Third, we will embark upon analyzing the Muckbang and Cookbang flow. Finally, we will discuss and conclude the findings. Materials and Methods The data for the present research is collected using documentary method. Our data mainly come form multiple resources of Muckbang on social networks, extending from May 2022 to April 2023.Thus said, firstly, through browsing the Instagram pages of Muckbang-cookbang, we randomly examined more than 350 posts to check for their appropriacy with our research objectives. With regard to the discourse of Muckbang-cookbang as an observable recurring code - showing higher degree of spontaneity and creativity-, we purposefully opted for one movie for Muckbang and another for Cookbang to represent the cultural systems of Iranian food. Taking into account the levels of interactive meaning-making, the sample is studied using an integrated corpus-based model examining the meaning-making processes of brand discourse in the value-creation process. The expression level includes the possible structures of the social network for systematic meaning-making. The content level describes the meaning-making procedures of the social network discourse based on the levels of inter- and intra-semiotics. At the context level, the re-semiotization of non-textual elements considered. At the level of user interaction, users' comments or written conversations on the Muckbang-cookbang discourse are examined. Creation of brand value Expression of brand value Co-occurance situational discourse Nonuccurance situational context Context of culture (socio-cultural semosphere; cultura l) values) Discourse of context Interpretation of brand value Muckbang discourse Co-creation of brand value user's surface context surface content surface expression surface Figure 1- An overview of the integrated research model Taken together, these functional perspectives comprise a powerful toolkit for doing a socially relevant, multimodal discourse analysis. After the research corpus is studied using the adopted analytical research model, the descriptive statistical methods will be applied to shed light on a number of issues or problem areas in the integrated model. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The Muckbang-Cookbang movement in Iran has mysteriously resulted in cultural structures adopted both from Korean origins and through global trends. In this context, the influencer, relying on his/her credibility, presents the value of the advertised brand with the help of Mockbank. The represented value of the brand in Muckbang's discourse was to show the provocative effect of foods that sometimes conflict with the local culture and, in some cases, to reweave the local cultural elements in conjunction with the Korean Hallyu craze to encourage followers to accept the cultural elements of the global Hallyu trend. In the process of value creation, the meaning of the brand discourse was examined based on the styles of eating and consuming. Likewise, the value creation process of and the Cookbang discourse was grounded upon on food preparation (Barthes, 1967; Danesi, 2006) and (Sujudi, 2008; Agha Ebrahimi, 2015). In relation to the type of Muckbang foods (Yun et al., 2020; Kim et al., 2016), it was found that the flow of native Iranian Muckbang, unlike Korean and Chinese Muckbang, does not contain raw foods, living organisms, and any kinds of insects. It is often limited to some seafood, the most important of which are octopus, crab and lobster. In Iranian Muckbangs, the consumption of foods such as octopus, crab, and calamari has led to a hegemonic interaction; in this interaction, Mookbanker encourages his followers to eat unfamiliar and non-native foods through emotional stimulation. After continuing the written conversation about eating such non-Iranian foods by users, their normalization begins by weakening the local cultural structures and strengthening the elements of the global Hallyu wave to lead to the acceptance of this current among Iranian users. In line with the global trend of eating foods with a flavor enhancement, Iranian muckbangers include very sour foods in addition to spicy Korean noodles. In addition to eating crispy crackers, Iranian muckbang also includes hot pots, dry bread, as well as traditional foods and even fresh vegetable products in some cases. In the context of how food is eaten in muckbangs, in line with the findings of (Yun et al., 2020; Haghbin and Monfard, in press), it was found that Iranian Muckbangs - in line with the global challenge to eat a lot of raw eggs or fried potatoes, soukhari chicken and similar things - are sometimes performed with a certain time record and a prize. In some cases, this challenge is contested by two people. Koreans hear sounds such as swallowing, chewing, sucking, slurping, gulping and slurping while eating. This is while most Iranian MucKbangs involve fried foods and macaroni, where the sound of crunchy food can be heard. Donad and in some cases chewing and swallowing sounds can be heard, which is not annoying. Finally, in addition to the findings of (Yun et al., 2020), it was found that Kukbang, which represents the preparation of food and its consumption in front of the user with a sense of intimacy and comfort, arouses emotions and creates pleasure related to food, which may lead to overconsumption and unhealthy eating. The trend of Cookbang in Iran is to select and cook Korean or national foods with reference to their origin and history, which often correspond to Iranian tastes. Cookbang also involves teaching practical and contemporary methods for traditional Iranian foods and similar products, which is accompanied by the revival of historical narratives and, in some cases, myths. In this way, the adoption of the Korean wave of Hallyu occurs along with the reconstruction of historical elements in the form of narratives, indicating the influence of the collective action of online eating in the lower strata of Iranian culture. گفتمان موکبانک، گونه‌ای از همگرایی برخط است که نمایانگر آماده‌سازی خوراک (کوکبانگ) یا خوردن خوراک (موکبانگ) به‌وسیلة تأثیرگذار در جلوی دید کاربران است. این جریان به‌عنوان ابزاری برای ترویج غذاهای کره‌ای و بخشی حیاتی از هالیوا یا موج کره‌ای شناخته شده که در ایران و در جریان تعاملی غیرمستقیم و با واسطة تأثیرگذار با کاربران شبکه اجتماعی به شکل ویژه‌ای بازبافت‌سازی شده ‌است. بی‌گمان، واکاوی ابعاد نهفتة معناپردازِ موکبانگ در ایران، به کشف و شناسایی لایه‌های گفتمانی پنهان جریان هالیوا در پیوند با ارزش برندهای خوراک ایرانی منجر می‌شود که در این پژوهش برآنیم با رویکردی تفسیری و با ماهیتی چندروشی به آن بپردازیم. پیکره مورد بررسی، مشتمل بر موکبانگ‌هایی است که به روش هدفمند و با در نظر گرفتن ویژگی‌های معناپرداز رمزگان خوراک در گفتمان موکبانگ-کوکبانگ انتخاب شده‌اند. یافته‌های پژوهش با تحلیل پیکره پژوهش به روش تلفیقی نشان داد که رمزگان فرهنگی خوراک در گفتمان موکبانگ-کوکبانگ ایرانی، شکل ویژه‌ای در بازنمایی ارزش برندهای خوراک- در زمینة نوع خوراک، شیوه خوردن و آماده‌سازی خوراک- دارد: در پیوند با نوع خوراک، گفتمان تعاملی موکبانگ بومی ایرانی، خوردن برخی از خوراکی‌های غیربومی، همچون اختاپوس، هشت‌پا و کالاماری، را شامل می‌شود. در جریان بیناکنش مکتوب دنبال‌کننده‌ها، برخی با تضعیف سازه‌های فرهنگی بومی و تقویت عناصر موج جهانی هالیوا، افراد را به سوی پذیرش این جریان در میان کاربران ایرانی‌ ترغیب کرده و برخی با ارجاع به مفهوم سنت از پذیرش آن پرهیز کرده‌اند. در گفتمان موکبانگ، شیوة خوردن اغلب با صدای تقویت‌شده به تحریک حسی کاربران پرداخته که با تکیه بر چالش‌های پرخوری و تندخوری- به صورت تک‌نفره یا دونفره- انجام می‌شود. گفتمان کوکبانگ ایرانی، به بازنمایی روش آماده‌سازی خوراک‌های روش‌های گوناگونی همچون آماده‌سازی خوراک‌های ملل به‌ویژه آسیای شرقی با ارجاع به منشأ آن، روش پختن فست‌فودهای مدرن همسو با جریان‌های جهانی مک‌دونالدسازی، بازبافت‌سازی خوراک‌های ایرانی سنتی با تکیه بر روایت‌های تاریخی و موارد مشابه می‌پردازد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27650_6f475f346afaf607a53f20edc2840c49.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Determining the sonority scale of Persian phonemes based on an acoustic study and comparing it with Parker's model (2008) تعیین درجه رسایی واج‌های زبان فارسی براساس یک مطالعه آکوستیکی و مقایسه آن با مدل پارکر (2008) 55 84 27664 10.22108/jrl.2023.137338.1747 FA مسعود مُشیّدی دانشجوی دکتری زبان‏شناسی، دانشکدۀ زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران 0000-0002-9246-9070 بتول علی‌ نژاد دانشیار، گروه زبان‏شناسی، دانشکده زبان‏های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 04 13 Abstract Sonority and its various aspects, in addition to affecting the structure of a syllable can trigger somephonological and morphophonological processes.The foundation of these sonority-based processes is that the sonority scale of all the phonemes should be determined in a hierarchical order.To achieve this primary goal, a sonority hierarchical model of Persian phonemes was proposed according to the theoretical foundations previously clarified about sonority,.Then, all the 23 Persian consonants were used in the onset and coda position of the CVC syllable. The 6 vowels of this language were also used in this syllable.In the next step, all the data were put in carrier sentences, then read and recorded three times by 10 monolingual native Persian speakers.Since according to Parker (2008), there is a direct relationship between intensity and sonority, so the intensity of all phonemes was measured in Praat software (version 6.1.42). Following that, through Pearson's correlation coefficient, the relationship between the intensity and sonority scale proposed in the hypothesis was calculated. In doing so, the calculations were done for individual phonemes and phonemic classes and the results were 0.90 and 0.91 respectively and the hypothesis of the research was statistically attested. Finally the hierarchical sonority model of Persian phonemes was presented.Moreover, the comparison of this model with the model suggested by Parker (2008) showed that it is completely consistent with it, and it can be claimed that Parker's model (2008) is also confirmed in Persian. Keywords: Sonority, Intensity, Persian Sonority Hierarchy, Parker's Sonority Hierarchy (2008) Introduction Sonority, as an interface between the phonetics and phonology of a language, can affect the syllable structure and its production. Moreover, sonority and its various aspects such as Sonority Sequencing Principle, Syllable Contact Law, Minimum Sonority Distance and Sonority Dispersion Principle can trigger some phonological and morphophonological processes of a language. Some linguists (Clements, 1990; Ohala, 1995; Parker, 2003; Zolfaghari & Kambuziya, 2005; Rahili, 2016; Mahmoodi, 2017; Wulfert, 2017; Salimi & Kambuziya, 2019) believe that some processes such as assimilation, dissimilation, metathesis, deletion and insertion also happen under the influence of sonority. The foundation of these sonority-based processes is that the sonority scale of all the phonemes in a language should be determined in a hierarchical order. From articulatory point of view, sonority indicates the greater openness of the vocal tract and from acoustic point of view, it is related to the greater intensity of the sound signals (Parker, 2002: 41-49). Ladefoged and Johnson (2010: 245) believe that the sonority of a sound is its loudness relative to that of other sounds with the same length, stress, and pitch. They (ibid) state that the sonority of a sound can be estimated from measurements of the acoustic intensity of a group of sounds that have been spoken on comparable pitches and with comparable degrees of length and stress. Parker ( 2008) also focusing on the direct relationship between intensity and sonority proposes a hierarchical model of sonority as in table 1 and claims that it can be a universal model. Table 1- Parker's hierarchical model of sonority (2008) Phonemic Classes Sonority index Low vowels 17 Mid-peripherial vowels(not ə) 16 High- peripherial vowels(not ɨ) 15 Mid- interior vowel (ə) 14 High- interior vowel (ɨ) 13 Glides 12 Rhotic approximant (ɹ ) 11 Flaps 10 Laterals 9 Thrills 8 Nasals 7 Voiced fricatives 6 Voiced affricates 5 Voiced stops 4 Voiceless fricatives 3 Voiceless affricates 2 Voiceless stops 1 The present study was acoustically conducted to firstly determine the sonority scale of Persian phonemes based on intensity and secondly to compare the obtained scale with that of Parker's (2008). Materials and Methods To determine the sonority hierarchy of Persian phonemes based on intensity, in the first step, according to the theoretical foundations previously clarified by scholars (Clements, 1990; Parker, 2002) about sonority, a sonority hierarchical model of Persian phonemes was proposed as a hypothesis. Then, all the 23 Persian consonants were used once in the onset position and once in the coda position of the CVC syllable. The 6 vowels of this language were also used in this syllable. To maintain the consistent articulatory conditions for all the consonants in this syllable structure (CVC), they were used adjacent to the same vowel /ɑ/, i.e. when they appeared in onset position, the nucleus and coda were (–ɑm) and when they were employed in coda position, the onset and nucleus were (bɑ–). All the vowels were also alternatively used between /s/ and /r/ in s–r frame. The data gathered in this way were either monosyllabic Persian words or Persian syllables. In the next step, all the data were put in carrier sentences, then read and recorded three times by 10 monolingual native Persian speakers ranging from 30 to 40 years old from both genders. Following that, using Praat software (version 6.1.42), the audio files were acoustically analyzed, and all the target phonemes (tokens) were measured in terms of intensity variable. In doing so, according to Parker (2002: 107), peak intensity was measured for vowels since this was the point when they were most distinct from consonants. Conversely, for consonants minimum intensity was measured because the most consonant -like point of consonants was when their intensity marked the minimum. Following that, Mean Values for individual phonemes, Grand weighted Means for phonemic classes and Standard Deviations for both groups were calculated. Discussion of Results and Conclusions After extracting the Mean Values and Grand weighted Means, the relationship between intensity measurements and sonority indices proposed in the hypothesis was calculated through Pearson's Correlation Coefficient for two approaches (individual phonemes and phonemic classes) for both genders (male and female) and for both positions (onset and coda). Because of this, 8 Correlation Coefficients were obtained as in table 2: Table 2- Final correlation between intensity and sonority Coda consonants plus vowels Onset consonants plus vowels Mean women men women men 0.90 0.90 0.95 0.84 0.92 Individual phonemes 0.91 0.88 0.94 0.87 0.93 Phonemic classes As it is seen in table 2, the Correlation Coefficients for individual phonemes and phonemic classes were 0.90 and 0.91 respectively. These measurements show that intensity has a positive, direct and meaningful relationship with sonority. Accordingly, the hypothesis of the research was statistically attested and the hierarchical sonority model of Persian phonemes was presented as in table 3: Table 3- Sonority hierarchy of Persian phonemes Sonority index Phonemes Phonemic Classes 13 / ɑ , a/ Open vowels 12 / e , o/ Mid-open vowels 11 /i , u/ Closed vowels 10 /j/ Approximant 9 /l/ Lateral 8 /r/ Thrill 7 /m , n/ Nasals 6 /v , z , ʒ/ Voiced fricatives 5 /dʒ/ Voiced affricate 4 /b , d , ɟ , G/ Voiced stops 3 /f , s , ʃ , h , χ/ Voiceless fricatives 2 /tʃ/ Voiceless affricate 1 /p , t , c , ʔ/ Voiceless stops Moreover, the comparison of this model with the model suggested by Parker (2008) showed that it is completely consistent with it, and it can be claimed that Parker's model (2008) is also confirmed in Persian. رسایی و جنبههای مختلف آن علاوه بر تأثیر بر ساختار هجا در مواردی میتواند بهعنوان محرکِ وقوع برای برخی فرایندهای واجی و واژ- واجی زبان ایفای نقش کند. مبنای تحلیل رساییبنیاد این فرایندها در این است که ابتدا درجه رساییِ واجهای زبان به‌صورت سلسله‌مراتبی مشخص شود. برای این منظور، ابتدا با توجه به بنیانهای نظری ارائه‌شده پیرامون رسایی، جدول سلسله‌مراتب رسایی واجهای زبان فارسی به‌صورت یک فرضیه مطرح شد. سپس براساس روش تحقیق پارکر(2008) همه 23 همخوان زبان فارسی در جایگاه آغازه و در جایگاه پایانه هجای CVC در بافت‌های یکسان به کار رفت. 6 واکه زبان فارسی نیز در بین دو همخوان مشترک قرار گرفت. همه دادهها، در قالب جملات حامل توسط 10 گویشور تکزبانه فارسیزبان سه بار خوانده و ضبط شد و توسط نرم افزار پرت تقطیع و اندازهگیری شد. تمامی واجهای هدف از نظر چهار پارامتر شدت، دیرش، بسامد پایه و سازه اول (با توجه به طبقات آوایی مختلف) اندازهگیری شدند. تحلیل آماری دادههای زبان فارسی و مقایسه آن با نتایج پارکر(2008) نشان داد که رسایی واج‏های زبان فارسی با مدل وی منطبق است. بدین معنی که شدت مهمترین همبسته فیزیکی رسایی است و براساس آن مدل سلسله‌مراتب رسایی زبان فارسی ارائه شد. به دلیل محدودیت فضا در این مقاله صرفاً نتایج آماری مربوط به متغیر شدت ارائه میشود.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27664_d604f566723052c7ebcc455149c1f4a4.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 The rhythmic type of Persian: A phonological perspective ردۀ ریتمی زبان فارسی: رویکردی واج‌شناختی 85 100 27689 10.22108/jrl.2023.138119.1762 FA انیس معصومی دکترای زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران گلناز مدرسی قوامی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 06 19 Abstract In rhythmic typology, languages are categorized into stress-timed and syllable-timed types. Earlier studies have highlighted the isochrony of interstress intervals and syllables in stress-timed and syllable-timed languages, respectively. Recent studies suggest that rhythm type depends on the characteristics of the phonological system of each language. Lexically marked stress, robust correlates of stress, stress-sensitive segmental rules, and complex syllable structures are the characteristics of stress-timed languages. On the other hand, the characteristic properties of syllable-timed languages are non-lexical stress, relatively weak correlates of stress, non-application of stress-sensitive segmental rules, and simple syllable structures. The present article investigated these phonological properties in Persian. Persian has been classified as a syllable-timed language. We hypothesized that the rhythmic type of Persian is the direct consequence of its phonological properties. Evidence shows that stress plays a weak role in Persian phonology. Hence, it seems to belong to the type of syllable-timed languages. Keywords: Prosodic Typology, Rhythmic Typology, Syllable-Timing, Stress-Timing, Persian. Introduction Languages are classified into syllable-timed or stress-timed types based on rhythm. In the earliest studies in the field of rhythmic patterns (Pike, 1945; Abercrombie, 1967), the term ‘stress-timed’ referred to languages in which stress tended to be repeated at approximately the same time intervals, and as a result, the number of intervening unstressed syllables varied. In contrast, in syllable-timed languages, all syllables were considered to have approximately equal duration and the length of intervals between stressed syllables depended on their number (Dauer, 1983). Later studies (Eriksson, 1991; Mairano, 2011) challenged the concept of "isochrony" and argued that rhythm has its roots in the phonological properties of languages (Donovan & Darwin, 1979; Lehiste, 1979). The lexical status of stress (Wagner, 2008: 115; Nishihara & van de Weijer, 2011), the application of stress-sensitive phonological rules with an emphasis on vowel reduction (Baltazani, 2007: 41; Nishihara & van de Weijer, 2011: 157), and the complexity of syllable structure (Wagner, 2008: 115; 24; Nishihara & van de Weijer, 2011: 158) were introduced as the phonological features of stress-timed versus syllable-timed languages. In the present study, the rhythmic type of Persian is investigated based on the phonological structure of this language. According to Haghshenas (1978: 129), Persian is a syllable-timed language, the quality which arises from the approximate equalization of all short syllables, on the one hand, and all the medium and long syllables, on the other. Having measured the normalized index of Persian vocalic intervals, Buban (2007) indicated that Persian shows a tendency towards the syllable-timed type. Materials and Methods This study is descriptive-analytic in nature and the discussion in this paper is based on previous research on Persian and rhythmic typology. Phonological characteristics of stress-timed versus syllable-timed languages including the status of lexical stress, phonetic correlates of stress, sensitivity of segmental rules to stress/syllable structure, and syllable complexity were used to determine the rhythmic type of Persian. Since English is known as a prototypical stress-timed language, the rhythmic type of Persian is discussed in comparison with this language. Discussion and Conclusion The location of stress is fixed and falls on the last syllable of most grammatical categories (Samei, 1995: 19) in Persian. Due to its predictablility, lexical stress is not marked in the lexicon. In contrast, lexical stress is sensitive to syllable weight, grammatical category, morphological structure, and the origin of the word in English. Nevertheless, due to its relative predictability, stress is not marked in the lexicon for many words in this language. In languages in which stress bears a high functional load, stress is represented by more robust phonetic correlates (Auer, 1991: 296; Mairano, 2011: 71). In fixed-stress languages, weaker acoustic correlates are utilized to mark the prominence of stressed syllables (Peperkamp & Dupoux, 2002). Sadeghi (2018: 71) has reported duration to be the sole acoustic correlate of Persian lexical stress. The robustness of this cue is not as high as that of a stress-timed language like English in which multiple correlates are employed to highlight stressed syllables over unstressed ones. Persian has no stress-sensitive phonological rule. The observed stress-sensitive vowel reduction (Gharaati, 2010; Alinejad, 2012) is only acoustic with no phonological consequences. In contrast, English has a number stress-sensitive rules, including vowel reduction in unstressed positions and the aspiration of voiceless stops at the beginning of stressed syllables. As a language shifts from stress-timed to syllable-timed, the ratio of simpler syllable structures increases. Moreover, in syllable-timed languages, vowel insertion and liaison rules apply to parse heavy syllables into light ones. In Persian, with a simple structure (Alamolhoda, 2000), the number of consonants between two vowels fluctuates between one and three. There is also a strict limit on the number of consonants in onset or coda positions. Analyzing the onset consonant clusters of English shows that as the stress shifts toward the end of the word, the number of onsetless words increases and, in most cases, consonant clusters are present in stressed syllables (Orzechowska, Mołczanow & Jankowski, 2019). Jun (2005), Abolhasanizadeh, Bijankhan & Gussenhoven (2012: 1392), and Sadeghi (2018), have introduced Persian as a stress-accent language like English, based on the acoustic correlates of stress. Rahmani (2019), on the other hand, has argued that “tones” are the sole acoustic correlates of lexical prominence in Persian in a pattern similar to tonal languages. The authors of the present study argue that Persian is not a stress-accent language soley on the basis of the acoustic correlates of stress. Rather, the tendencies of the whole phonological system confirm that stress does not play a key role in this language. Due to the importance of syllable in the phonological system of Persian, this language is considered to be a syllable-timed language. در رده‌شناسی ریتم، زبان‌ها در دو ردۀ ریتمی تکیه ـ زمان و هجا ـ زمان جای می‌گیرند. پژوهش‌های نخستین وجه ممیز این دو رده را یکسان‌ بودن فواصل بین‌تکیه‌ای در زبان‌های تکیه ـ زمان در برابر یکسان ‌بودن دیرش هجاها در زبان‌های هجا ـ زمان می‌دانستند. پژوهش‌های متأخرتر نشان داده‌اند که ادراک ریتم متفاوت در این رده‌های زبانی برآیند ویژگی‌های کل نظام واجی این زبان‌هاست. بررسی زبان‌های این دو رده نشان داده است که در زبان‌های تکیه ـ زمان، تکیه در واژگان قید می‌شود، همبسته‌های صوت‌شناختی تکیه قوی هستند، فرایندهای واجی حساس به تکیه در آن‌ها مشاهده می‌شوند و ساختارهای هجایی آن‌ها نسبتاً پیچیده است. در مقابل، در زبان‌های هجا ـ زمان، تکیه در واژگان قید نمی‌شود، همبسته‌های صوت‌شناختی تکیه بسیار ضعیف هستند، فرایند واجی حساس به تکیه در آن‌ها مشاهده نمی‌شود و ساختار هجایی به‌نسبت ساده است. در پژوهش حاضر به بررسی این ویژگی‌ها در زبان فارسی پرداخته‌ایم. این بررسی نشان می‌دهد که زبان فارسی ویژگی‌های یک زبان هجا ـ زمان را نشان می‌دهد. این فرضیه مطرح شد که که ردۀ ریتمی در این زبان متأثر از ویژگی‌های واجی است. یافته‌های پژوهش حاضر شاهدی است مبنی بر اینکه تکیه نقش اندکی در نظام واجی زبان فارسی ایفا می‌کند؛ از این رو، این زبان به ردۀ زبان‌های هجا ـ زمان تعلق دارد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27689_6278fd798b0136f5311ba2ff88c02455.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 The relation of the frequency and distribution of sensory adjectives to the average perceptual strength hierarchy in some realistic and surrealistic contemporary Persian short stories رابطۀ بسامد و توزیع صفات حسی با سلسله‌مرتبۀ متوسط قدرت درکی در داستان‌های کوتاه رئال و سوررئال فارسی معاصر 101 118 27666 10.22108/jrl.2023.137755.1752 FA شهلا شریفی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران نرجس بانو صبوری دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 05 22 Abstract This research has been carried out using framework of Sensory Linguistics. The Sensory Linguistics examines the relationship between senses and language. It also deals with the issue of how and to what extent each language encodes sensory cognition and what difference languages may have in regard with sense encoding. In this research, we employed the average perceptual strength of the five senses, presented by Lynott and Connell (2009), to examin the frequency of sensory adjectives and the juxtaposition of nouns and sensory adjectives in five contemporary short stories of realisticistic style and four contemporary surrealistic short stories. It is to note that the stories in both groups of styles shad relatively equal word count (29406 words in sum). The results showed that the highest and lowest number of sensory adjectives both realisticistic and surrealistic styles pertain to the sense of sight and the sense of smell respectively. Interestingly, given these, the sight and smell senses constitute the two ends of a continuum in the middle of which fall the other three senses, namely hearing, touch and taste senses. Therefore, the hierarchy of Lynott and Connell (2009) applies to both styles with a difference in the position of the two senses of hearing and taste. But the number of sensory adjectives in all senses in the realistic style is significantly more than the surreal. This can be considered as a distinguishing component of the realistic style. Such being the case, it is interesting to note that the data and findings of the present study do not follow the same line as Lynott and Connell (2009) and Winter (2019) and therefor, can not provide enough justifications in support of the higher frequency of nouns and sensory adjectives of the same domain. Keywords: Sensory Linguistics, Hierarchy of Average Perceptual Strength, Five Senses, Sensory Senses Introduction The Sensory Linguistics (SL) examines the relationship between the senses and language. The senses are of great importance for human beings since they are significant ever existing media to gain experience from the environment. The knowledge acquired from the surrounding environment through the senses is stored in the mind under the name of knowledge. Language, as a medium that represents a part of human cognition, also plays a role in the senses, that is to say, part of our sensory cognition is realized through language (Miller and Johnson-Laird, 1976: 3; Kövecses, 2002:57). In this research, we recruited the average perceptual strength of five senses presented by Lynott and Connell (2009), to examin the frequency of sensory adjectives and the juxtaposition of nouns and sensory adjevtives in five contemporary short stories with realistic style and four contemporary surreal short stories. In this research, following the fivefold division of senses, we will try to provide justifiable answers to the following research questions: 1- What is the frequency of adjectives related to the five senses in both realistic and surreal stories? 2- How does the frequency of adjectives align with the Lynott and Connell (2009) average perceptual strength of the five senses?3- What implications may the diffrences of sensory adjectives in both realistic andsurreal stories have? Materials and MethodsThe method of present research is descriptive-analytical. As for the data, we have chosen contemporary Persian short stories. Considering the wide range of words in the language, in this research, we only account for sensory adjectives in nine short stories including five realistic stories of and four surreal stories. In the present research, we have used literary texts as a source for extracting linguistic data to determine what sensory areas the authors have used the most in these stories and how names and sensory adjectives are juxtaposed. Given that the nine stories belonged to two different styles, we presented the number of the adjectives both in total and separate with respect to their styles. It is worth mentioning that in the first stage, repeated adjectives were counted only once; since the goal was to determine the sensory domain to which an adjective belongs. However, when we wanted to know the total number of sensory adjectives in the surreal short stories comparing to realistic short stories, all the occurences of the adjectives were counted, no matter repeated or not repeated. Discussion and Conclusion The findings suggest the highest number of adjectives belonged to the sense of sight in both realistic and surreal styles and the number of smell sense adjectives was the least. The pairs of noun- adjective related to the sense of sight (sight-sight pairs) were more than other senses, and at the same time, the total number of sensory adjectives in the realistic style was significantly more than the surrealistic, which can be considered as a style-dependant feature. Considering the juxtaposition of nouns and sensory adjectives, two senses of sight and smell, which are practically at the two ends of the spectrum of average perceptual power, had the most and the least sensory noun-adjective juxtapositions in both styles, respectively. In other senses, the number of sensory juxtapositions in realistic style was more the surreal style. As much as the hierarchy of Lynott and Connell (2009) is considered, considering each column of juxtaposition for each sense separately, juxtapositions of the same domain are among the most frequent juxtapositions. Therefore, in the same line as with the opinion of Lynott and Connell (2009); Winter (2019), our findings prove that the number of juxtapositions of the same dominans are more than the juxtaposition of different domains. However, in case we compare all the columns of juxtaposition of different domains in each table with the column of juxtaposition of the same domain, then the number of cases of juxtaposition of different domains in three senses will be more than the juxtaposition of the same domain. It is only in the case of the sense of sight that the juxtapositions of the same domain are more than the juxtapositions of different domains. When it comes to the sense of touch, the juxtapositions of the same domain are equal with the the juxtapositions of different domains. Therefore, these findings do not support the postulations of Lynott and Connell (2009) and Winter (2019). این پژوهش در چارچوب زبانشناسی حواس انجام گرفته است. زبانشناسی حواس رابطۀ حواس و زبان را بررسی میکند و به این موضوع میپردازد که هر زبان شناخت حسی را چگونه و به چه میزان رمزگذاری میکند و تفاوت زبانها از این نظر چیست. در این پژوهش با استفاده از سلسلهمرتبۀ متوسط قدرت درکی حواس که توسط لینوت و کانل (2009) ارائه شده است، به بررسی بسامد صفات حسی و همنشینی اسامی و صفات حسی در پنج داستان کوتاه معاصر سبک رئال (14703 واژه) و چهار داستان کوتاه معاصر سبک سوررئال با تعداد واژۀ برابر پرداخته شده است. نتایج این پژوهش نشان داد که بیشترین صفات حسی در هر دو سبک رئال و سوررئال، مربوط به حس بینایی و کمترین مربوط به حس بویایی است و سه حس دیگر در بین این دو قرار دارند؛ بنابراین، سلسلهمرتبۀ لینوت و کانل (2009) دربارۀ هر دو سبک با یک تفاوت در جایگاه دو حس شنوایی و چشایی مصداق دارد؛ اما تعداد صفات حسی در همۀ حواس در سبک رئال بهطور قابلملاحظهای بیشتر از سوررئال است که میتواند بهعنوان یک مؤلفۀ ممیز سبک در نظر گرفته شود. دربارۀ نظر لینوت و کانل (2009) و وینتر (2019) در خصوص بسامد بالاتر اسامی و صفات حسی همحوزه، دادههای این پژوهش مؤید قوی برای این نظر نبودهاند.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27666_59b01b840bd2b443b4ee1738c6402fd3.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Phonetics and phonology of the F0 valley in Persian intonation آواشناسی و واج‌شناسی دره زیروبمی در آهنگ گفتار فارسی 119 136 27712 10.22108/jrl.2023.136677.1714 FA مائده اژه ای دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی ارشد گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدۀ ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران وحید صادقی دانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی دانشگاه بین المللی امام خمینی، قزوین، ایران محمود بی‌جن خان استاد گروه زبانشناسی دانشگاه تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 02 07 Abstract This research aims to improve speech synthesis in Persian and investigate the pitch contour fall between two H* peaks carried out in the framework of the Autosegmental Metrical (AM) theory of intonational phonology. In this paper, we tested two main hypotheses. Firstly, the F0 falls through phonetic interpolation and, secondly, it involves tone spreading. The present paper argues that the first hypothesis is proven to be correct. The data for the present research includes 45 enclitic phrases that were produced using voiced consonants between the two peaks. It means that in the course of producing each phrase, it was taken into consideration that all of the consonants placed between the two peaks would be deliberately and certainly voiced. This is mainly because if the consonants were not voiced, the data analysis results would be affected in Praat. It has to be noted that the distance between the two H* was increased by adding zero to two unstressed syllables. Totally, we recorded 1350 utterances from 30 native Persian speakers. We employed Praat software so as to analyse the utterances. Besides, we utilized SPSS for further analysis. The results of acoustic and statistical analyses showed that the distance between the first peak and the following F0 valley is increased with the addition of the unstressed syllables, demonstrating the alignment of this valley with the beginning of the stressed syllable. Results of statistical analyses revealed that the distance between the H and the following L target is increased significantly with the addition of the unstressed syllables. Furthermore, the normalized pitch contour was computed for all data. This indicates that the fall of the pitch contour between the two H peaks is realized through phonetic interpolation. Keywords: Speech Synthesis, Phonetic Interpolation, Tone Spreading, Autosegmental Metrical theory (AM), Pitch Accent Introduction Text-to-speech technology can be used in many different ways such as allowing blind or visually impaired people to read texts. It also assists people with speech impairments to establish verbal communication and/or receive information from a text through listening. Speech intonation and the prosodic structure play a pivotal role in the process of synthetic speech production. The aim of this research is to investigate the pattern of the F0 declination between the H* and L+H* tonal targets in the Persian language. Being systematic, this declination is possible to predict F0 in the same tonal environments and use these predictions in the process of synthetic speech production of Persian phrases. The current research is carried out employing Autosegmental Metrical (AM) theory of intonational phonology. According to Autosegmental Metrical theory, H and L tones are regarded as abstract phonological elements. The occurrence of a L* pitch accent in a word stands for the fact that its stressed syllable is produced with a low tone and the occurrence of a H* pitch accent means that a stressed syllable with a high tone is produced. In bitonal pitch accents, the starred tone is aligned with the stressed syllable and the un-starred tone appears immediately before or after the starred one (Sadeghi, 2018). The difference between the monotonal H* accent and the bitonal L*+H accent can be shown in terms of the placement of the F0 peak and valley. In the H* accent, the F0 peak is placed on the stressed syllable. In the L*+H accent, the F0 valley is placed on the stressed syllable and the F0 peak occurs slightly after it. The pitch accent in Persian is defined as a bitonal L+H* pitch accent (Mahjani, 2003; Sadat-Tehrani, 2009). This is the consecutive combination of low and high tones. It is to note that both are aligned with the stressed syllable. This research seeks to determine the type of the F0 declination, which can happen gradually or sharply. The gradual fall of F0 is due to phonetic interpolation. This is while the sudden and sharp decline in F0 is because of tone spreading. Given these considerations, two main hypotheses of this research run as follows: Firstly, the first H peak is interpolated to the L target. Secondly, the first H falls until the beginning of the second word in the phrase since the L in the second pitch accent spreads itself to the begnning of the second word. Materials and Methods The data for this research comes from phrases that are featured with two pitch accents (H* L+H*). Thus, 45 enclitic phrases were produced based on this pattern, using voiced consonants between the two peaks, and the distance between the two H* was increased by adding zero to two unstressed syllables. In order to collect these utterances, thirty native Persian speakers, including 15 male and 15 female speakers, took part in our project. Below are examples of each group of data: (a) [ʔɑ.be rud] ɟelɑlud bud 1st word 2nd word (b) tʃand mɑh piʃ dar [maziɢe.je mɑ.li] budand 1st word 2nd word (c) ʔaz [mahal.le.je ɢa.di.mi] rafte budand 1st word 2nd word We employed Praat and ProsodyPro software for analysing so as to calculate the distances between the tonal targets. Using SPSS, we carried out other tests with the obtained data in the previous step. These tests included ANOVA and post-hoc tests and the correlation between each group of data. According to the data analysis, the L tone is commonly placed before the beginning of the stressed syllable. That is to say, the more the distance between the H tone in the first word and the stressed syllable, the more the L tone’s distance becomes. This finding supports the first hypothesis pointing to the phonetic interpolation between the two tonal targets. In order to inspect the overall changes in the pitch contour, the normalized pitch contour was also computed for all the research data. Discussion of Results and Conclusions The results of analysing data confirm the validity of the phonetic interpolation hypothesis, according to which the L tone, being placed on the stressed syllable of the word, is where the F0 downtrend from the first H tone ends. To put it differently, the H tone in the first word and the L tone in the second word are interpolated to each other through a steady fall. Therefore, the F0 slope is distinct from the two tones. This distinction depends on the distance between the first H and the L tone. All the conducted tests in this research indicate that the L tone is aligned with the beginning of the stressed syllable, confirming that the F0 fall is realized through phonetic interpolation. As a result of the F0 fall between the first peak and the valley, the pitch contour’s slope depends on the placement of the stressed syllable or the L tone. The findings of this research can be used for synthetic speech production in Persian and in the prosodic pattern determination step of the text-to-speech systems. Predicting the precise changes in the F0 in the produced prosodic structure will result in a more natural production of the synthetic speech which will, in turn, enhance the functionality of the text-to-speech systems. پژوهش حاضر با هدف بهبود بازسازیِ گفتار در زبان فارسی و بررسی افت منحنی فرکانس پایه بین دو قلۀ زیروبمی در چارچوب نظریۀ خودواحد عروضی آهنگ انجام شده است. دو فرضیۀ اصلی این پژوهش افت فرکانس پایه از طریق وقوع قاعدۀ درونیابی آوایی و یا از طریق وقوع قاعدۀ گسترش نواخت است و پیشبینی میشود که فرضیۀ اول پژوهش تأیید شود. دادههای پژوهش، شامل 45 ساخت پی‌بستی، با توجه به واکدار بودن همخوانها در تمامی هجاها بین دو قلۀ زیروبمی طراحی شده و فاصلۀ دو قله با افزودن به تعداد هجاهای بدون تکیه از مقدار صفر تا دو هجا افزایش داده شد. تعداد 1350 داده از 30 گویشور فارسیِ معیار ضبط و جمعآوری شد. این دادهها در نرمافزار پرات تحلیل آوایی شد و نتایج این تحلیل در برنامۀ اسپیاساس بررسی شد. نتایج تحلیلها نشان داد فاصلۀ قلۀ اول تا درۀ منحنی با افزایش تعداد هجاها افزایش یافته که نشانگر برهمنهادگیِ این دره با ابتدای هجای تکیهبر است. اختلاف معنادارِ این فاصله میان سه گروهِ دادهها بهصورت دوبهدو نیز نشاندهندۀ افزایش آن به نسبت افزایش تعداد هجاهای بدون تکیه است. همچنین منحنی فرکانس پایه به‌طور میانگین برای دادهها رسم شد که نشان داد این افتِ میان دو قله تدریجی است و از طریق وقوع درون‌یابی رخ میدهد.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27712_20fa75f7e5cfa6060b45c0b22ec9f10b.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Type shifting and the number system in Persian مقوله‌گردانی و نظام شمار در زبان فارسی 137 158 27878 10.22108/jrl.2023.137123.1741 FA امیرمحمد شیرزاد گروه زبان‌شناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران علی درزی گروه زبان‌شناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 03 18 Abstract: The present article examines the structure of number phrase in Persian. It is also aimed at explaining the apparent lack of agreement between numerals and nouns in this language. In other words, it presents an answer to the question of why nouns appear in singular forms in a noun phrase even if they are premodified by a number bigger than one. To put it differently, it is to put forth the inquiry that why numbers and the plural markers "ha"/"an" in Persian are in complementary distribution in noun phrases. If we assume that some sorts of formal (morpho-syntactic) agreement must hold between numerals and the nouns they modify cross-linguistically, as in the Germanic and Romance languages, then, what is to be answered is how this agreement is established between the two elements in question in the number system of Persian. In this study, we adopt a lexico-semantic approach inspired by formal semanticist within the Minimalist Program to investigate the syntax of number phrase in Persian that involves numbers, classifiers and the head nouns. As we proceed, we introduce type shifting and three functional categories within the determiner phrase as Measure Phrase, Numeral Quantifier Phrase, and Agreement Phrase (AgrP). We shall also show that the agreement between the numeral and the head noun is also held in Persian both syntactically and semantically, the same as other languages. Finally, treating the Persian plural markers as adjuncts in construction where this marker accompanies a numeral and a classifier, we argue that in such contexts, the plural markers "ha"/"an" are adjoined to the noun. Keywords: Formal Semantics; Type Shifting; Number Phrase; Classifier Phrase; Measure Phrase; Numeral Quantifier Phrase; Agreement Phrase Introduction There is no overt formal and semantic agreement between nouns and numerals in Persian, especially when there is a numeral bigger than one. In such a context, the singular form of the noun is used without any plural marker. For instance, "do sib" (two apple) is s well-formed structure, whereas "do sibha" (two apples) is not. This is while in many languages such as English and Spanish, among others, there is necessarily overt agreement between the nouns and numerals. For instance, in English "two apples" is well-formed, but "two apple" is not. Simiarly, in Spanish "dos monzanas" (two apples) in the presence of the plural marker "s" is well-formed, but "dos monzanas" without the plural marker is ill-formed. In this article, we try to investigate different mechanisms that Persian employs to establish such an agreement. In section two, we present some of the projections introduced within the determiner phrase and proceed to discuss exclusively those projections that are directly related to the present discussion, namely number phrase, measure phrase and classifier phrase. The section is concluded with a brief overview of some of the literature on number phrase in Persian. Section three is dedicated to introducing certain ideas of formal semanticists, such as type shifting, to be employed to account for investigating formal and semantic agreement between nouns and numerals in Persian. In section four, we present our analysis of number phrase in Persian and show how the formal (morpho-syntactic) agreement between numerals and nouns is established in this language. The section is concluded with a discussion on the affixal nature of the plural marker in some specific Persian constructions. Section five presents the summary of the article. Materials and Methods The materials analyzed in this article are some noun phrases or, more accurately, some determiner phrases in Persian with a particular focus on agreement between the head noun and a premodifier numeral. The data came from standard modern Persian. We adopted the idea of type shifting to explain the overt agreement between the numeral and head noun together with Chierchia's classification of languages according to which nouns in Persian have [+Pred][-Agr] features. Discussion of Results and Conclusions In this article, we presented an analysis of numeral system in Persian with particular focus on the question of why in Persian, unlike many other languages, nouns are not marked for plural affix in the presence of a numeral. Put differently, nouns do not display agreement with numerals bigger than one. In this study, we argued that such an agreement is semantically and formally necessary. To resolve the semantic agreement problem, we employed Chierchia's classification of languages according to which Persian belongs to the family of languages that have nouns with Inherent Plurality feature. Nouns in this class of languages are subject to type shifting. In this, nouns tend to become count nouns if they are to be interpreted as singular. We also discussed three projections within Persian DPs. The first one was the Numeral Quantifier Phrase which was the result of the fusion of number projection and classifier projection and was also the host for the number plus classifier or the plural suffix. It was also responsible for type shifting. The other projection was measure phrase the head of which was a pseudo-partitive: a measure noun that expresses quantity or physical properties of nouns. The third projection was the Agreement Phrase that was responsible for establishing formal agreement between the head noun and the numeral. This was how we resolved the problem of apparent lack of agreement between these two elements. Finally, we proposed that the plural marker in Persian is adjoined to a noun, at least in constructions where it contributes definiteness to the noun and particularly when it is accompanied with a noun and classifier. مقالة حاضر دربارة ساختمان گروه شمار در زبان فارسی و مسئلة عدم مطابقت ظاهری میان عدد و معدود در این زبان است؛ به‌عبارتی، در پی یافتن پاسخ به این پرسش است که چرا در زبان فارسی با اعداد بزرگ‌تر از «یک» معدودِ مفرد به‌کار می‌رود، یا چرا عدد و نشانة جمع «ها/ان» در توزیع تکمیلی با یکدیگرند. اگر فرض کنیم که در تمام زبان‌ها، همچون زبان‌های ژرمنی و رومیایی، بایستی مطابقت صوری (صرفی-نحوی) و معنایی میان عدد و معدود وجود داشته باشد، هدف این مقاله تبیین چگونگی برقراری این رابطه میان دو عنصر نام‌برده در نظام شمار زبان فارسی ا‌ست. رویکرد اتخاذشده در این پژوهش رویکردی واژه-معنا بنیاد است که در بستر برنامۀ کمینه‌گرایی واژه‌گرا و با الهام از آرای معنی‌شناسان صوری، ساختمان گروه شمار زبان فارسی را -که ازجمله شامل عدد، طبقه‌بند و هستۀ اسمی ا‌ست- مورد بازنگری قرار می‌دهد. در این مقاله ضمن آشنایی با مبحث مقوله‌گردانی در معنی‌شناسی صوری و طرح سه فرافکن جدید ذیل گروه حرف تعریف به نام‌های: گروه میزان، گروه سور عددی و گروه تطابق، نشان خواهیم داد که مطابقت لازم میان عدد و معدود در فارسی نیز به‌مانند دیگر زبان‌ها، هم از جنبۀ معنایی و هم از جنبۀ صوری، پابرجاست. سرانجام با پذیرفتن ادات بودن نشانۀ جمع زبان فارسی در ساخت‌هایی که این عنصر با عدد و طبقه‌بند همراه است استدلال کرده و ثابت می‌کنیم که در چنین بافت‌هایی، «ها/ان» به‌عنوان یک ادات به اسم منضم می‌شود.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27878_aa06480914ec9d539e7f1e848c793f3a.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Alternation in three-place predicates and its relation to Aktionsart in Persian تناوب در محمول‌های سه‌ظرفیتی و ارتباط آن با نوعِ عمل در زبان فارسی 159 180 27902 10.22108/jrl.2023.138299.1778 FA والی رضایی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران ژاله مکارمی پژوهشگر پسادکتری، گروه زبان شناسی، دانشکدۀ زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 07 08 Abstract In Role and Reference Grammar (RRG), based on stativity, telicity, and punctuality, verbs are classified into six classes named state, activity, achievement, accomplishment, semelfactive, and active-accomplishment. The predicates in these classes can take one, two, or three argument(s) according to the number of participants involved in an event as well as the argument structure of the verb. Three-place predicates need three distinct arguments and they exhibit some abstract or concrete transition or movement in their conceptual structure. The argument in three-place predicates, undergoing alternation, can appear in more than one syntactic format; that is to say, in unmarked structures, direct object is ‘râ’-marked and the indirect object is accompanied by a preposition. This is while in marked or alternate form, the preposition is deleted and the non-macrorole argument receives the role of direct object. In Persian, like many other languages, the frequency of three-place predicates, in comparison with one and two-place predicates, is low, but knowing their behavior is significant for better applying them in related contexts. Employing framework of RRG, this paper, aims to investigate alternation in three-place predicates of Aktionsart in Persian. The data are collected from various web sites, newspapers, books, and also daily conversations. Data analysis shows that state verbs do not undergo alternation; This is mainly because common characteristics of state verbs are their non-action nature and being low transitive or intransitive. Most verbs in this class need one or two argument(s) and low number of three-place predicates in this class, shows no alternation due to stativity and low transitivity. Motion active-accomplishment verbs, however, are more prone to alternation; concrete transition from an actor to a recipient is common among these verbs. Some three-place predicates in achievement class, have alternation; while alternation in accomplishment class, leads mostly to ungrammatical structure. Generally speaking, alternation in three-place predicates is the result of marked selection of the recipient, and is mostly observed in motion active-accomplishment verbs; the reason is non-stativity and high transitivity of this subclass in comparison to other verb classes. Keywords: Alternation; Three-place predicates; Aktionsart; Role and Reference Grammar; Persian Introduction In RRG, both an actor and an undergoer are regarded as valences of the verb and, accordingly, verbs fall into one, two, and three-place predicates. Van Valin (2007) believes that the general semantic representation for three-place predicates in RRG can be displayed as (1). In this system, no abstract predicate can take more than two arguments. Hence, three-place predicates have a complex representation. [do' (x, ø)] CAUSE [BECOME predicate' (y, z)] Three-place predicates have an agent-like participant, a recipient, and a theme, which is typically taken as some abstract or concrete things or information conveyed by an agent to a recipient (Margetts and Austin, 2007). The existence of three distinct arguments is obligatory in three-place predicates (Tabibzadeh, 2007). The three-place predicate in clause (2a) has three distinct arguments, while the lack of prepositional object in (2b), and the lack of direct object in (2c), leads to ungrammatical clauses. (2) a. (Ɂu) čand qâšoq Ɂâb (râ) be bimâr dâd-ø. (s/he) some spoon water (OBJM) to patient give-PST.3SG ‘(S/he) gave some spoon of water to the patient.’ b. ? (Ɂu) čand qâšoq Ɂâb (râ) dâd-ø. (s/he) some spoon water (OBJM) give-PST.3SG ‘?(S/he gave some spoon of water.’ c. ? (Ɂu) be bimâr dâd-ø. (S/he) to patient give-PST.3SG ‘?(S/he) gave to the patient.’ Thus said, in three-place predicates, the existence of three distinct arguments, including agent, recipient and theme is taken for granted, i.e., Agent is the argument which initiates an event or an action, theme is the argument which is being possessed in an abstract or concrete manner, and recipient is the one which possess something (Rezai and Hooshmand, 2012). In the unmarked form of three-place predicates, indirect object is accompanied by a preposition, but in a marked or alternate form, it is râ-marked and placed in the direct object position. In most languages, according to Newman (1998) and Nass (2007: 214), the verb ‘give’ dâdan, is the prototype of three-place predicates. The alternate structure of (2a) above, is (3), in which the indirect object is râ-marked and placed after the agent in a marked structure. (3) (Ɂu) bimâr râ čand qâšoq Ɂâb dâd-ø. (s//he) patient OBJM some spoon water give-PST.3SG ‘(S/he) gave the patient some spoon of water.’ Although it seems that clauses (2a) and (3) are semantically analogous, closer investigations indicate that some factors, such as information structure, and argument prominence are involved in bringing about nuanced meanings. Furthermore, argument alternation does not hold true in all classes of action type. Verbs in RRG, are classified into state, activity, achievement, accomplishment, semelfactive, and active-accomplishment. This categorization is grounded upon stativity, telicity, and punctuality (Van Valin, 2005, p.33). States entail no action, and their subclasses include existence, cognition, emotion, possession, and perception verbs. Action verbs are dynamic and lack punctuality and telicity. Subclasses of action verbs are motion, performance, consumption, creation, and directed perception verbs. Achievement verbs are telic and occur in a short time; therefore, there is an overlap between their start and end points. Accomplishment verbs are telic, like achievement verbs, but they occur in a durative time. Semelfactives are punctual, but they lack telicity. Active accomplishment verbs are dynamic and telic, but they are non-punctual. There are different views regarding alternation in three-place predicates of Aktionsart. Krifka (2003) classifies the views in three general classes, namely monosemy, polysemy, and information structure view. The monosemy view holds that the propositional object construction and direct object construction have the same meaning and they are related to each other by a syntactic derivation, which is not sensitive to the meaning of the verbs. In polysemy view, verbs opt for the syntactic environment in which they occur. In information structure view, differences in the information structure are being focused. Materials and Methods The present study seeks to find out the possibility of alternation in different three-place predicates and its relation to Aktionsart in Persian. This is intended to figure out what verb classes undergo argument alternation. The data for the present study come from different web sites, books, newspapers, and also daily conversations. Having three arguments in a clause was the essential criterion for choosing data. The related data were then classified based on Aktionsart, in different groups and their alternations were investigated. The considered classes are states, active-accomplishments, achievements, and accomplishments. Insofar as the second argument in three-place arguments is mostly râ-marked, instead of activity class, active-accomplishment class is included in this study. What differentiate activity and active-accomplishment classes are markedness and referentiality of the object in the latter class. Discussion and Conclusion Investigating alternation in three-place predicates, regarding different classes and subclasses of Aktionsart, leads to the following results. State verbs denote no action and include existence, cognition, emotion, possession, and perception verbs. As the state verbs entail no action, they mostly need one or two argument(s) to convey the related meaning. Therefore, there is a low frequency of three-place predicates in this class and if there is any, the alternation leads to ungrammatical structure. The subclasses of action verbs include motion, performance, consumption, creation, and directed perception verbs. Among them, motion verbs are more prone to alternation. In (4a), the action verb has three arguments; direct object is râ-marked and indirect object is accompanied by a preposition. The alternation of this clause is (4b) in which the preposition is deleted and indirect object is râ-marked. (4) a. Lebâs-e garm râ be bače pušând-ø. clothes-Ez[1] warm OBJM to baby put on-PST.3SG ‘S/he put the warm clothes on the baby.’ b. Bače râ lebâs-e garm pušând-ø. baby OBJM clothes-Ez warm put on-PST.3SG ‘S/he put the warm clothes on the baby.’ The common characteristic of motion verbs is transitivity and they include transferring energy from an actor to an undergoer. The alternation in performance verbs entails having some concrete themes. In (5a), the direct object is râ-marked and the indirect object is accompanied by a preposition.The alternation of this clause is (5b) in which the indirect object is râ-marked and placed after the actor. (5) a. Ɂu čâei râ be mâ tâɁârof kard-ø. s/he tea OBJM to us offer do-PST.3SG ‘S/he offered the tea to us.’ b.Ɂu mâ râ čâei tâɁârof kard-ø. s/he us OBJM tea offer do-PST.3SG ‘S/he offered us the tea.’ Some active performance verbs include abstract theme. In most cases, alternations of the clauses containing these verbs, lead to ungrammatical clauses. Other subclasses of activity verbs do not undergo alternation due to having abstract theme or low transitivity. Some achievement verbs have alternation, and alternation in accomplishment verbs mostly leads to ungrammatical structures. Generally speaking, transitivity and physical transfer between an actor and an undergoer are determinant in the alteration of three-place predicates. Furthermore, in classes which show alternation, information structure view can be applied, that is, differences in information structure lead to various forms. Therefore, arguments appear in the clauses according to their prominence. [1]. Ezafe in Persian links a head noun to its modifiers and complement with an unstressed morpheme –e. (See Ghomeshi, 1997 for more discussion.) افعال در دستور نقش و ارجاع براساسِ مشخصههای ایستایی، کرانمندی و لحظهای بودن، در شش طبقۀ افعال ایستا، کنشی، لحظهای، پایا، لمحهای و کنشی-پایا قرار میگیرند. این طبقات میتوانند با توجه به ساخت موضوعی و تعداد مشارکت‌کنندگان در رویداد، حاوی محمولهای یکظرفیتی، دوظرفیتی، و سهظرفیتی باشند. محمولهای سهظرفیتی، با دربرداشتنِ مفهومِ انتقالِ مالکیت یا حرکت، به سه موضوع در ساختِ بند نیاز دارند. موضوعِ فعل در تناوب موضوعیِ محمولهای سهظرفیتی در بیش از یک قالب نحوی ظاهر میشود؛ در ساختِ متعارف، مفعول مستقیم با نشانۀ «را» و مفعولِ غیرمستقیم با حرف اضافه ظاهر میشود. در گونۀ تناوبی، با حذفِ حرف اضافه، موضوعِ غیرفرانقش، نقشِ مفعولِ مستقیم میگیرد و ساختارِ مفعول اولیه-ثانویه ایجاد میشود. زبان فارسی، مانند اکثر زبانهای دیگر، در مقایسه با محمولهای یک‌ظرفیتی و دوظرفیتی، تعداد محمولهای سهظرفیتیِ کمتری دارد؛ ولی شناختِ رفتار این فعلها در کاربردِ درستِ آن‌ها حائز اهمیت است. هدف این پژوهش، بررسی تناوب مفعول در محمولهای سهظرفیتی و ارتباط آن با نوع عمل در چارچوب دستور نقش و ارجاع است. دادههای پژوهش برگرفته از وبگاههای خبری و عمومی، روزنامه، کتاب، و گفتگوهای روزمره است. از آنجا که اکثر افعال ایستا و زیرگروههای آن، با مشخصۀ مشترکِ عدم پویایی، یکظرفیتی و دوظرفیتی هستند، تعدادِ اندک محمولهای سهظرفیتی بهدلیل ایستایی و ناگذرایی، گونۀ تناوبی ندارند. مشخصۀ مشترک افعال کنشی-پایای سه‌موضوعی، انتقالِ موضوعِ هدف از کنشگر به گیرنده است و عمدۀ تناوب در زیرگروهِ افعالِ کنشی-پایای حرکتی صورت میگیرد. تناوب در برخی محمولهای سهظرفیتیِ افعال لحظهای قابل اعمال است؛ ولی در افعال پایا، عمدتاً به ساختی نادستوری منجر میشود. درمجموع، تناوب در محمولهای سهظرفیتی، نتیجۀ انتخابِ نشاندارِ موضوعِ هدف و در طبقۀ افعالِ کنشی-پایا و زیرطبقۀ افعالِ حرکتی بیش از سایر طبقات مشهود است؛ دلیل این امر، پویایی و گذرایی نسبتاً بالای افعالِ این طبقه، در مقایسه با سایرِ طبقاتِ فعلی است.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27902_6b5bd801a5883df3c2bd20d2576f4e55.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Deletion in sentences with complex predicates in Persian: a phase-based approach سازه‌های محذوف در جملات دارای فعل مرکب زبان فارسی: رویکردی فازبنیاد 181 198 27901 10.22108/jrl.2023.138335.1780 FA راضیه مهدی بیرقدار استادیار زبان‏شناسی، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی و ادبیات، دانشگاه پیام نور، تهران، ایران الهه واثق دانش آموخته دکتری زبان‌شناسی‌، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی و ادبیات، دانشگاه پیام‌نور، تهران، ایران مزدک انوشه استادیار زبان‏شناسی، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران آرزو نجفیان دانشیار زبان‏شناسی، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‏های خارجی و ادبیات، دانشگاه پیام‌نور، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 08 30 Abstract There is neither a general agreement among linguists nor any comprehensive works on how the process of deletion works in sentences with complex predicates in Persian. In this connection, on the one hand, due to the elimination process, a group of linguists believe that the very problem is concerned with argument ellipsis, On the other hand, others believe that the deletion of the light Verb stranding VP-ellipsis is the result of the deletion process. Considering the duality mentioned in the previous studies and also their ineffectiveness in explaining other grammatical sentences containing complex predicates with deleted constituents, this research is an attempt to provide a new analysis of this linguistic process. In so doing, the present research is grounded upon the dynamic approach to phase theory in minimalist syntax and specifically Bošković's approach (2005; 2013; 2014). The findings of this research indicate that what is deleted in the sentences containing complex predicates is the result of neither an argument ellipsis nor a light Verb stranding VP-ellipsis. But the deleted constituents in the sentences with the complex predicates are either a phase or the complement of a phase. Keywords: Argument Ellipsis, Verb Phrase Ellipsis, Verb Stranding, Phase Theory, Complex Verb, Persian Language Introduction A complex predicate refers to a kind of predicates that consist of two independent words, in which the first word is a noun, adjective or adverb, and the second word is a verb. One of the phenomena that has been noticed in the studies related to the complex predicates is the investigation of the deletion in such sentences. Insofar as this article is dedicated to account for the phenomenon of deletion in sentences with complex predicates, we have merely reviewed the studies that are related to this phenomenon. As for instance, Tosarvandani (2009) believes that the deleted constituents in sentences with complex predicates in Persian language are the result of the light Verb stranding VP-ellipsis (vSVPE). Rasekhi (2014), on the contrary, believes in argument ellipsis (AE) in these sentences. Given different analyses on the nature of the deleted constituents in the target structures as well as their ineffectiveness to provide a comprehensive explanation of various data of Persian language, enabled us within the framework of dynamic approach to cast a new look towards the phase theory. Besides, based on Bošković's opinions (2005; 2013; 2014) we intended to explain the role of the internal structure of the phases in this process. In this line, the main questions of the present research are: (a) what is the category of deleted constituents in sentences with complex predicates? (b) Based on the dynamic phase approach, how can one provide a comprehensive explanation of the process of deletion of various constituents in sentences with complex predicates. Materials and Methods The purpose and nature of the present research is theoretical and explanatory. Methodologically concerned, it can be considered as a is documentary study. Granted with the paradigm of generative syntax, the verifiability and reliability of the data and analyses were examined under the lens if native speaker’s intuition. To this end, the authors of the present research who are native Persian speakers, underwent verifying the reliability of the data and analyses. The present study employs the dynamic phase approach which has been given less, if not any, attention and credence in studying the process of deletion in Persian language. On these accounts, one can argue that the present paper has opened a new line of research in this field. According to the Chomsky’s (2000, 2001) approach, phasehood is understood as a rigid concept; that is to say, the phasal status of a category does not depend on its syntactic context. Therefore, CPs and VPs are always taken to be phases. This runs counter to the spirit of the Minimalist predecessor of phases: barriers. In the barriers system (Chomsky, 1986), whether a particular category is a barrier depends on its syntactic context. Thus, sometimes CP is a barrier and sometimes it is not, depending on its syntactic context. In other words, while phases are defined rigidly, barriers are defined contextually; that is, they are context- sensitive. A number of authors have recently argued that phasehood should also be contextually defined. As for instance, Bošković (2005; 2013; 2014) argues for a particular contextual approach whereby the highest projection in the extended projection of a major (i.e., lexical) category functions as a phase. This approach is contextual because the amount of structure (including the highest phrase) projected by major categories can differ both cross- linguistically and in different constructions within a single language. Based on the dynamic approach of Bošković, the highest phrase in the extended projections of the lexical categories functions as a phase. Discussion and Conclusions In this article, the function of deletion process in sentences with compound predicates was investigated. Using the dynamic phase approach based on Bošković's (2005; 2013; 2014) framework, the authors indicated that the phase or the complement of the phase is deleted. In this way, contrary to Tosarvandani's (2009) approach, it was shown that the deleted structure is not the result of light Verb stranding VP-ellipsis (vSVPE). Also, contrary to Rasakhi (2014), we showed that what appears at first glance to be argument ellipsis, is in fact the result of the elimination process on different structures. This occurs within the framework of the dynamic phase approach through which either the phase or the complement of the phase being deleted. Unlike the duality in the analysis of constituent deletion in sentences containing complex predicates as either Verb stranding VP-ellipsis or argument ellipsis, a comprehensive and economic analysis can be obtained through using the dynamic phase approach. زبان‌شناسان دربارۀ چگونگی عملکرد فرایند حذف در جملات دارای فعل مرکب در زبان فارسی اختلاف نظر دارند و تحلیلی جامعی در این خصوص وجود ندارد. برخی از این زبان‌شناسان معتقد هستند که براساس فرایند حذف شاهد حذف موضوع[1] هستیم، درمقابل برخی دیگر بر این باورند که حذف گروه فعلی به همراه ابقای فعل کوچک[2] حاصل فرایند حذف است. با توجه به دوگانگی ذکرشده در مطالعات پیشین و همچنین ناکارآمدی آن‌ها در تبیین سایر جملات دستوری، این پژوهش بر آن بوده است که براساس رویکرد پویا به نظریه فاز در نحو کمینه‌گرا و براساس آرای بشکوویچ (2005; 2013; 2014) تحلیلی نو از این فرایند زبانی ارائه کند. یافته‌های این پژوهش نشان میدهد که در این چارچوب نظری، آنچه در جملات دارای گروه فعلی مرکب حذف می‌شود نه حذف موضوع است و نه حذف گروه فعلی با ابقای فعل کوچک، بلکه سازه محذوف در جملات دارای گروه فعلی مرکب فاز یا متممِ فاز است. [1] argument ellipsis [2] light Verb stranding VP-ellipsi

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27901_c1444e60d8151624b5a764f61f0ec764.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 15 1 2023 03 21 Syntactic labeling of complement small clauses in Persian برچسب‌دهی نحوی خرده‌جملۀ متممی در زبان فارسی 199 219 27971 10.22108/jrl.2023.138859.1792 FA مریم خمسه عشری دانشجوی دکتری گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایرا رضوان متولیان دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران والی رضایی دانشیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران Journal Article 2023 08 31 Abstract This study presents a minimalist analysis of complement small clauses in Persian by reviewing different approaches to their categorial status. By the emergence of Chomsky’s Government and Binding Theory (GB) (Chomsky, 1981), small clauses have garnered the attention of linguists and, led to diverse opinions about their category. In this research, firstly, we shall investigate various opinions on the nature of the category of small clauses. Then, based on the exocentric labeling theory of phrase structure (Chomsky 2013, 2015), we shall attempt to provide a minimalist analysis of their categorial status, internal structure, and case assignment in Persian. Finally, grounded upon the above framework, we showed that since the subject of the small clause will have to move to an upper position to check its case and its remaining copy feature is invisible, the Labeling Algorithm can only see the label of the remaining SO (syntactic object); the small clause’s node is labeled as the phrase that remained in situ. Therefore, the syntactic properties of the predicate in Persian determines the syntactic label of small clauses. Keywords: Complement Small Clause; Labeling Algorithm; Syntactic Movement, Exocentric Theory, Syntactic Label Introduction Small clause construction is considered to be a very controversial issue in linguistics. Linguists (e.g. Stowell 1981, Aarts 1992, Contreras 1987, Bowers 1993, Haegeman 1994, Starke 1995, Asada 2012…) who accept small clauses as constituents have very different opinions about their categorial status and internal structure. Therefore, there has been only scant, if not any, unified analysis of small clauses. This article employs the Labeling Algorithm (LA) of Chomsky (2013, 2015) to analyze small clauses in Persian. Insofar as an exocentric labeling theory of phrase structure require Syntactic Objects (SOs) to have labels of Full-Interpretation to be interpreted on CI, it is important to ask what label a SC has. We assume that a label is required for interpretation at the interfaces, and that labels are assigned by a minimal search in LA applying to an SO (like other operations, at the phase level). Chomsky's Labeling Algorithm proves to be a powerful tool for analyzing the structure of small clauses across different languages. Materials and Methods This article adopts a descriptive-analytic approach to analyze the data. It also, employs the Minimalist Program framework. We utilize Chomsky's Labeling Algorithm to determine the category of small clauses in Persian, includes prepositional phrases, adjective phrases, or noun phrases depending on the predicate. Discussion and Conclusions This literature will examine the most significant proposals regarding the categorical status of SCs. Some linguists consider small clauses as projections of the predicate (Stowell, 1981; Contreras, 1987). The first major proposal in connection with the categorial status and the internal structure of small clauses within the Small Clause Theory was first developed by Stowell (1981). Stowell (1981) suggests that small clauses are maximal projections of the form XP, with the head being the predicate X. However, there are objections to this endocentric analysis the most serious of them refers to the fronting of a small clause predicate. This view maintains that the predicate is a maximal projection. There is another group of linguists who assume that small clauses are the projections of a functional category (Bailyn, 1995; Bailyn and Citko, 1999; Bowers, 1993; Hornstein and Lightfoot, 1987; Chomsky, 1995; Gueron and Hoekstra, 1995; Kitagawa, 1985). However, these proposals also face challenges. Hornstein and Lightfoot (1987) analysed small clauses as including INLF0, which is an I node distinct from the ‘ordinary’ one introduced by them. Aarts (1992) criticizes Hornstein and Lightfoot (1987) for complicating the theoretical framework by introducing a new ‘kind’ of INFL. Kitagawa (1985) and Starke (1995) suggested that small clauses could be CPs. This view too is not without certain problems. Haegeman (1994) assumed that small clauses are AgrPs. Obviously, SCs do not contain an AGRS-node because there is no person agreement between NP2 and XP, similar to the case that exists between the subject and verb of a finite clause. Bowers (1993, 2001) proposed that small clauses are PredP. However, the inclusion of a null functional head in small clauses is not theoretically necessary in the current state of the minimalist syntax. Moreover, from a semantic perspective, it lacks motivation, and empirically, equating Pred0 with any overt element does not appear to yield accurate predictions. Considering the limitations of previous perspectives, we adopt Chomsky's exocentric labeling theory. In Chomsky (2013, 2015), the labels of syntactic objects (SOs) are determined by the Labeling Algorithm (LA), which involves a minimal search process separate from Merge. Chomsky (2013, 2015) provides insights into how LA is applied, as illustrated in (1). (1) a. {α H, XP} {α XP, YP} (2) a. {YP, Z {α XP, tYP}} α = XP {α XP<F>, YP<F>} α = <F, F> In (1a), the syntactic object (SO) consists of a head H and the maximal projection XP. The Labeling Algorithm (LA) selects H as the label in this case. On the other hand, in (1b), the SO contains two maximal projections, XP and YP, neither of which is a head. In such instances, the label is determined in one of two ways. Firstly, one of the SOs, YP, may "move," causing the remaining copy of YP to become invisible to LA. Consequently, XP becomes the label, as illustrated in (2a). Alternatively, the label can be determined through feature sharing (FS) by selecting the most prominent feature F that both XP and YP possess, as demonstrated in (2b). Through the examination of various linguistic phenomena in the Persian language, including doubled clitics, object omission, passivization, fronting, and the occurrence of adverbs inside small clauses, we have established that the subject of a small clause must undergo movement to a higher position. Once the subject of the small clause is raised, the label of the small clause is determined by the in situ phrase. As a result, the categorial status of the small clause in Persian is determined based on the label of the predicate. مقالۀ پیش‌رو درصدد است تا با نقد و بررسی رویکردهای مختلف پیرامون مقولۀ ساخت خردهجمله تحلیلی کمینه‌گرا از این ساخت در زبان فارسی به دست دهد. با ظهور نظریۀ حاکمیت و مرجع گزینی از سال 1981 تا کنون بررسی مقولۀ نحوی ساخت خردهجمله به عنوان یکی از موضوعات بحث برانگیز مورد توجه بسیاری از زبانشناسان واقع شده و نظرات متفاوتی از سوی آنان مطرح گردیده است. در این راستا، در پژوهش حاضر ابتدا نظرات مختلف پیرامون ماهیت مقولۀ ساخت خردهجمله مورد نقد و بررسی قرار گرفته است. پس از آن براساس نظریۀ برچسبدهی برون مرکزی از ساختار گروهی چامسکی (2013, 2015) تلاش شده است تا تحلیلی کمینه‍گرا از ماهیت مقولۀ خردهجملۀ متممی در زبان فارسی، ساختار درونی و طریقۀ بازبینی حالت آن ارائه شود. در نهایت، بر پایۀ چارچوب مذکور نشان دادیم از آنجا که فاعل ساخت خردهجملۀ متممی برای بازبینی حالت خود مجبور به حرکت به جایگاه بالاتر از درون سازۀ خود است و مشخصههای رونوشت برجاماندۀ آن برای الگوریتم برچسبدهی غیرقابل رؤیت است، تنها گروه نحوی درجامانده که قابل رؤیت است به‌عنوان برچسب نحوی انتخاب میگردد. بنابراین، مشخصههای نحوی محمول خردهجمله در زبان فارسی تعیین‌کنندۀ برچسب نحوی این سازه است.

https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27971_b15a2f4be1985988ab178c5f34a28d76.pdf