دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Stance taking and Engagement in arbitration theories in the family court: An inquiry in judicial discourse analysis موضع‌گیری و مشارکت‌جویی در نظریه‌های داوری در دادگاه خانواده : جستاری در گفتمان‌کاوی قضایی 1 24 27786 10.22108/jrl.2023.138333.1779 FA پریسا نجفی پژوهشگر پسادکتری، گروه زبان شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران فریده حق بین استاد، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران فرج میر آزادی دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی، دانشکده حقوق، دانشگاه آزاد واحد خرم آباد، خرم آباد، لرستان، ایران سینا احمدوند دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی، دانشکده حقوق، دانشگاه آزاد واحد دورود، دورود، لرستان، ایران Journal Article 2023 07 09 <strong>Abstract</strong><br />The present study examines and describes the process of stance-taking and engagement in the arbitration theories related to the family court grounded on Hyland’s (2008) approach to voice and stance-taking. In divorce cases, the judge asks each of the parties (wife/husband) to nominate an arbitrator who is supposed to present the result of his/her considerations on each of the parties to the judge in terms of a theory. In this research, 36 arbitration theories were selected for discussion and analysis. Eighteen theories are related to the arbitrators selected by the parties, which are non-specialist theories, and eighteen cases are related to the theory of court-selected arbitrators, which are called specialized theories. After examining the data based on quantitative and qualitative approaches, it was found that stance markers and (to a lesser extent) engagement markers have a pivotal role in the formation of the discourse of arbitration theory. This goes to the extent that for every 59.26 words in the corpus, there is one stance and engagement marker. Likewise, the comparison of specialized and non-specialized theories shows that specialized theories have more descriptive and explanatory sufficiency.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong><strong>: </strong>Arbitration theory; Engagement; Family court; Judicial discourse Analysis; Stance.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> Introduction</strong><br /><br />Stance markers can be considered as one of the most influential discursive-linguistic media through which subjects can choose to represent their views in different contexts. For instance, judicial and trial context is included in cases and contexts where taking a stance, as a discursive act, can play a significant role in the evaluation, interpretation and judgment of a discursive and/or non-discursive events. Although stance-taking has been studied in a wide range of discourses (Abdi, 2010; Biber, 2006; Hyland, 2005, 2008), the study of its various strategies and functions in judicial discourse has not received much attention and it is of undeniable importance. The reason for this importance is that in judicial discourse, taking a stance in relation to an issue plays a key role in arranging and structuring arguments and perceptions to attract the opinion of judges. Therefore, in this research, we intend to examine the phenomenon mentioned in the arbitration reports in family cases. In cases where couples refer to the family court for divorce, the court refers the issue to the arbitrator to create peace and compromise between them and finally issues a decision based on the arbitrators' point of view. In this connection, the Article 28 of the Family Protection Law states that “after the issuance of the order to refer the matter to arbitration, each of the parties is obliged to introduce one of their relatives as an arbitrator to the civil court within one week from the date of notification.is the arbitrator should be at least thirty years old, male, married and familiar with Sharia, family and social issues.” Addressing the divorce matter to arbitration process, from appointing an arbitrator to announcing his opinion to the court, is a time-consuming process, and it also imposes costs on people. On this account, whether such theories can be effective and functional recognizing the necessity of long stages during the judicial process is an enquiry that has to be taken into account. Furthermore, insofar as the arbitration has to be impartial and unbiased, the central puzzle to be resolved is that how one can depend on the impartiality of the theories submitted to the judge give the fact that the arbitrators are introduced by the divorce parties? To put it differently, it is of indubitable importance to ask whether family ties and relations will influence evaluations and theories?  Considering issues as such can validate the importance and necessity of the current research. Based on the material presented in the current research, we will investigate taking a stance in arbitration opinions. To this end, we will employ Hyland’s approach (2008) to stance-taking engagement. Therefore, this research aims to provide justifiable answer the following queries:<br /><br />What, discursive strategies and linguistic tools are constitutive of stance-taking and engagement?<br />What is the frequency of linguistic tools and discursive strategies of stance-taking and engagement in arbitration reports?<br /><br /> <br /><br /><strong> Materials and methods</strong><br /><br />The corpus of the present research consists of 36 arbitration theories extracted from the divorce cases of the family court of Doroud, a city in court of Doroud (a city in Lorestan Province) After examining 86 cases, we opted eighteen expert and non-expert theories of arbitration for analysis. The total number of words in the corpus is 7391. The present research examines and analyzes the data with a descriptive and analytical approach based on quantitative and qualitative components. For the qualitative aspect, we recruited Hyland's (2008) approach to stance-taking and engagement. Concerning the quantitative aspect, we used the Antconc (3.5.8) concordance software and statistical analysis. In so doing, through the Antconc software, we obtained the frequency of the words in the corpus. In the next step, based on Hyland's (2008) proposed tools to study stance and engagement items and instances, we classified them according to the research objectives. We also used statistical analysis to obtain the raw frequency and measure the frequency of the desired components in the scale of 1000 words. It is worth mentioning that during the rewriting of the reports, all the personal information of the referees, feuding parties (wife/ husband), have been changed in order to protect the parties’ private information.<br /> <br /><br /><strong> Discussion and conclusions</strong><br /><br />For the quantitative examination of our data, first, the interaction indicators were studied in the form of raw frequency and then in the scale of 1000 words. The findings indicate that arbitrators have used (381) stance and (57) engagement elements in their arbitration reports in their interaction with the addressee (judge). The frequency of interaction elements in the whole corpus is (438) and the frequency in the scale of 1000 words also shows that for every (59/62) words, a stance and engagement marker is used, which means that the interaction elements (both stance markers and engagement markers) form an important part of the discourse of arbitration theories.<br /> <br /><strong>Table 1- </strong><strong>Frequency of stance markers in arbitration reports (total 7391words).</strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>frequency in 1000 words</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>raw frequency</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>stance markers</strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />11/77<br /><br /><br />87<br /><br /><br />hedges<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />13/39<br /><br /><br />99<br /><br /><br />boosters<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />11/50<br /><br /><br />85<br /><br /><br />attitude markers<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />14/88<br /><br /><br />110<br /><br /><br />self-mention<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />51/54<br /><br /><br />381<br /><br /><br />total<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> <br /><strong>Table 2- </strong><strong>Frequency of engagement markers in arbitration reports (total 7391words).</strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>frequency in 1000 words</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>raw frequency</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>engagement markers</strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>4/87</strong><br /><br /><br />36<br /><br /><br />reader mention<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>0</strong><br /><br /><br />0<br /><br /><br />asides<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>2/84</strong><br /><br /><br />21<br /><br /><br />Shared knowledge<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>0</strong><br /><br /><br />0<br /><br /><br />directives<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>0</strong><br /><br /><br />0<br /><br /><br />questions<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>7/71</strong><br /><br /><br />57<br /><br /><br />total<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> <br />As it can be seen in table (1), among the characteristics related to stance-taking, self-mention elements and attitude markers respectively have the highest and lowest occurrence rates in the corpus.<br />Examining the frequency of each of the linguistic elements of stance and engagement confirms that the elements of self-mention and attitude markers have the highest and lowest occurrence rates among the types of ways of expressing stance, respectively. Self-mention is a strategy that the author relies on to highlight his presence in the text, and it is observed in the corpus of the present research in the form of personal pronouns and present identifiers of the first person singular (and sometimes plural). The reason why this indicator is used more than other indicators is that in the theories of arbitration, the arbitrator tries to reflect the actions taken towards couples in order to create a compromise between them in his theory based on the responsibility assigned to him by the judge. This way also validates the result of his arbitration. All stance markers, including the use of the first-person pronoun, are tools for persuading the addressee (judge). Regarding the attitude markers, it should be said that the relatively low frequency of this type of markers in comparison with other markers is due to the fact that sometimes it is not possible to have a clear and decisive boundary between the types of markers, because for example, a linguistic structure may in a context show a positive attitude and, in another context, it expresses a negative attitude. For example, the use of reporting speech in scientific genres can increase the validity and accuracy of the author's statements, while in the theories of judgment, they are considered a form of doubt and indirectly show the author's uncertainty about the statements made. In the corpus of the current research, the frequency of positive markers was summarized in only three cases, the reason for which is the specific discourse of these theories, because the arbitrator’s opinion is usually considered when the probability of compromise between couples is low. The negative attitudes in all the reports have three main purposes: targeting the character of the couples, the consequences of not issuing a divorce decree, and announcing the arbitrator’s personal opinion. Regarding engagement markers in the corpus, we can only consider two types of reader pronouns and shared knowledge, because other engagement strategies such as questions, directives, and asides are considered to be a kind of face threatening linguistic actions, in such a way that they do not consider the position and face of the judge as a powerful participant. پژوهش حاضر به بررسی و تشریح فرایند موضع‌گیری و مشارکت جویی در نظریه‌های داوری مربوط به دادگاه خانواده بر  اساس چارچوب پیشنهادی هایلند (2008) می‌پردازد. در پرونده‌های مربوط به طلاق، قاضی از هر یک از طرف‌ها (زن و شوهر) می‌خواهد که یک داور معرفی نمایند. داور موظف است قضاوت و نتیجه بررسی‌های خود از وضعیت هر یک از طرف‌ها را در قالب یک نظریه به قاضی ارائه دهد. در جستار حاضر ۳۶  نظریه داوری برای بحث و بررسی انتخاب شد. ۱۸ نظریه مربوط به داورهای منتخب طرف‌ها است که نظریه‌های غیر تخصصی و ۱۸ نمونه مربوط به نظریه داورهای منتخب دادگاه است که نظریه‌های تخصصی نام می‌گیرند. پس از بررسی داده‌ها براساس رویکردهای کمی و کیفی چنین محرز شد که نشان‌گرهای موضع‌گیری و (به نسبت کمتری) مشارکت‌جویی نقش محوری در شکل‌گیری گفتمان نظریه داوری دارند، به میزانی که به ازای هر 26/59 واژه در پیکره یک نشان‌گر موضع‌گیری و مشارکت‌جویی وجود دارد. همچنین، مقایسه نظریه‌های تخصصی و غیرتخصصی نشان می‌دهد که نظریه‌های تخصصی دارای کفایت توصیفی و تبیینی بیشتری هستند. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27786_d81ffc5bd500247e651b51ce1856ff7a.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Plurality of nouns in Bâdrudi دربارۀ شمار اسم در بادرودی 25 38 27963 10.22108/jrl.2023.139306.1806 FA اسفندیار طاهری استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه اصفهان، اصفهان، ایران 0000-0002-9798-6704 Journal Article 2023 09 30 <strong>Abstract</strong> In New Western Iranian languages, plurality is an obligatory category, and it is marked both morphologically and syntactically; however, Bâdrudi, as a central Iranian language, has a special status among Iranian languages. Insofar as the plural number is not an obligatory category and only appears alongside the plural suffix and verb agreement, this language uses other ways to mark plurality. This article examines some features of plurality in the Bâdrudi. Findings indicate that in Bâdrudi, the plurality is marked by the suffix -u, but mostly noun plurality is marked syntactically by verb agreement and pronominal agreement. The reduplication of noun stem is another way to mark plurality in animate nouns. In all the ways through which the plural number of nouns is marked, the verb agreement is always obligatory. This is but the use of the plural suffix, pronominal agreement, and reduplication are optional. There are also cases where the noun is not plurally marked in any way. This means that the distinction of number is not an obligatory category in Bâdrudi. <strong>Keywords</strong>: number, plurality, noun, Bâdrudi, Iranian languages   <strong>Introduction</strong> Number is one of the most common features of nouns in world’s languages. For example, English makes a semantic and a formal distinction between, for instance, dog and dogs, or child and children. In English, the number feature can also be realized on verbs and pronouns through agreement with a subject, as in: ‘these children were playing together’. In this example, the verb and the demonstrative pronoun are plural and indicate the number of children. This is by no means to state that they point to the number of ‘playing’ events. While Number is an obligatory category in English, there are many other languages in which the use of the plural marker is called upon only when it is important to mark number. Unlike English, and similar languages in which the majority of nouns, from the personal pronouns and nouns denoting persons to those inanimate objects and abstract entities, can mark number, there are many languages that restrict the number opposition to fewer situations, namely those which are high in animacy. In terms of the number values, most number systems have only the two singular and plural polarities. But there are other degrees of numerosity that occur in different languages. The most frequent form of such number system is duality, which designates only two instances of one thing. Another one is the trial system which refers to three distinct real-world entities. Finally, ‘paucal’ stands for a small number of distinct real-world entities. Given the different ways that the number is expressed, some languages have special ‘number words’ which are employed merely for the purpose of indicating number. This includes morphological expression of number which manifests widely in terms of affixes. Stems can show changes from minor stress alternations to major restructuring to show number. The way in which number is marked syntactically is through agreement. Agreement is often in addition to other morphological means of marking plurality. Demonstratives and verbs are relatively frequent agreement targets, showing agreement in number either uniquely or combined with other categories, notably gender. Reduplication is a frequent and iconic way of indicating plurality. This may involve the whole stem, more frequently, or part of the stem; the relevant part may appear at beginning, or end of the noun. <strong> </strong> <strong>Materials and Methods</strong> This article examines some features of plurality in the Bâdrudi language, a central Iranian language spoken in central Iran. Part of the data used in this article are taken from Bâdrudi and Arismani corpuses, archived at ‘Corpus of Iranian Languages’. It is to note that another part of the data is collected by the author from the Fami village, where a variety of Badrudi is spoken. The data are transcribed based on the APA phonetic transcription and glossed in a semi-Persian way of glossing. Through this approach, the meanings are in Persian but the grammatical features are shown in English.    <strong>Discussion of results and Conclusion</strong> The analyses suggest that Bâdrudi uses three methods to mark plurality: 1<strong><em>. </em>Morphological</strong> Marking: In this marking system, the plural number is indicated by adding the plural suffix ‘–u’ to the noun stem, which is not obligatory and can be used along with the syntactic ways of verb agreement and pronominal agreement. <strong><em> </em></strong><strong>Verb agreement</strong>: Through such a strategy, the plurality is shown by the agreement between the plural noun and the verb. In this connection, the noun can also have a plural suffix: <em>jen-u vo mir-u ru kade de âx-en</em> “Men and women are sitting at home”. Verb agreement marks the noun that is a subject or an agent: <em>sang baalaa cinu de darkat-en</em> “The stones fell from the wall”. But in the sentences with ergative structure, it marks a noun that serves as an object: <em>ču-šun ataš xossen</em> “They burned the wood”. <strong><em> </em></strong><strong>Pronominal agreement</strong>: In this way, the plural number is marked on the demonstrative pronouns and comes in a noun phrase. In this case, the verb of the sentence is also used in plural form: <em>nome izom bâ tabar amariy-en</em> “these woods are broken by an ax”. <strong><em> </em></strong><strong>reduplicating</strong>: This involves the use of material from the noun stem and suffixing it at the end of the noun, like <em>dot</em> ‘girl’ > <em>dotmot</em> ‘girls’ in <em>nin dotmot čerâ namden?</em> “Why did not these girls come?”  It can be said that in Bâdrudi while the use of morphological suffix is not obligatory to indicate the plurality of noun, the use of pronominal agreement is also not obligatory as long as there is a verb agreement. On the other hand, in all the examined examples, the use of verb agreement is an obligatory way of marking plurality. The results show that in Bâdrudi, the verb agreement is a necessary and imperative way of marking the plurality of nouns. It is interesting to note that other markers are compulsory to be used. There are also cases where the plurality is not marked in any way. Considering that the verb agreement generally marks subject or agent, a noun serving as an indirect object, is not marked by any of the morphological or syntactical ways. In general, it can be said that although Bâdrudi marks plurality morphologically and syntactically, plurality is not an obligatory category in Bâdrudi, and there are still degrees of splitness in marking the plurality.  در زبان‌های ایرانی غربی نو شمار جمع در اسم یک مقولۀ اجباری است و با روش‌های ساختواژی یعنی افزودن پسوند جمع‌ساز یا پایانۀ صرفی به اسم نشان داده می‌شود و در کنار آن از مطابقۀ فعلی هم برای نشانه‌گذاری شمار جمع استفاده می‌شود. بادرودی از زبان‌های مرکزی ایران نمونۀ خاصی است که در آن نه تنها شمار جمع اسم اجباری نیست، بلکه علاوه بر پسوند جمع‌ساز و مطابقۀ فعلی روش‌های دیگری را برای نشانه‌گذاری جمع به کار می‌برد. در بادرودی شمار جمع در اسم گاهی با پسوند –u  نشان داده شود؛ اما بیشتر از مطابقۀ فعلی و مطابقۀ ضمیری برای نشانه‌گذاری جمع استفاده می‌شود. در این میان مضاعف‌سازی ستاک اسم  نیز روشی است که دست کم دربارۀ اسم‌های جاندار استفاده می‌شود. بررسی‌های این مقاله نشان می‌دهد در تمام روش‌هایی که شمار اسم نشانه‌گذاری می‌شود، مطابقۀ فعلی همیشه وجود دارد؛ اما استفاده از پسوند جمع‌ساز، مطابقۀ ضمیری و مضاعف‌سازی اختیاری است. مواردی هم وجود دارد که اسم با هیچ روشی نشانه‌گذاری نمی‌شود، که نشان می‌دهد تمایز شمار در بادرودی مقوله‌ای اجباری نیست https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_27963_a802df58cebbad36c0aaa0b268b4c548.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Lexico-semantic processing in individuals with Alzheimer’s disease: Evidence from picture naming task in Iranian Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilinguals پردازش واژگانی-معنایی در افراد مبتلا به بیماری آلزایمر: شواهدی از تکلیف نامیدن تصویر در دوزبانه ‏های ایرانی تورکی آذربایجانی-فارسی 39 54 28011 10.22108/jrl.2023.139015.1796 FA مریم پیرزاده دانش آموخته کارشناسی ارشد زبان شناسی همگانی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران رامین گلشائی استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران محمد مؤمنیان استادیار گروه مطالعات چینی و دوزبانه، دانشگاه پلی تکنیک هنگ کنگ، چین Journal Article 2023 09 12 <strong>Abstract</strong><br />Adopting a linguistic approach to the pathology of the mind on bilinguals afflicted with aphasia caused by Alzheimer's disease (AD) has given rise to a wide array of interdisciplinary research in recent years. However, bilinguals’ language impairments in AD have not been appropriately experimentally investigated while language deterioration has always been a frequent symptom of AD. A task-based research in this study has been conducted to investigate the effect of Anomic Aphasia caused by AD on the lexico-semantic skills of Iranian Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilingual women. To this end, the experimental group (AD) with 20 participants with Mini-Mental State Examination (MMSE) test scores in the range of 19 and 23 were matched in terms of age, age of familiarity with Persian language, and formal education. There was also a control group consisting of 20 participants with Mild Cognitive Impairment (MCI) and having MMSE test scores in the range of 23 and 30. The verbal productions of both groups were evaluated by the Bilingual Aphasia Picture Naming Task (BAT) in the Azerbaijani Turkish and Persian languages separately. Comparing the average reaction times (RTs) to the stimulus pictures in two languages showed that AD affected the nondominant language (Persian) more severely than the dominant language (Azerbaijani Turkish). The results of this research are consistent with the three-store hypothesis in the framework of the Neurolinguistic Notion of Bilingualism maintaining that bilinguals have two language subsystems, each of which has an independent and separate grammar and vocabulary, and a non-linguistic cognitive system.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Alzheimer’s diseases, Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian Bilinguals, Lexico-Semantic Processing, Picture naming Task, Task-Based Analysis<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />Language processing is a complex cognitive operation that involves various linguistic and neurological mechanisms in the brain. Brain diseases such as Alzheimer's disease, which affect the cognitive abilities of affected individual to varying degrees, have been the subject of extensive research in cognitive sciences, including psycholinguistics. One of the cognitive consequences of Alzheimer's disease is language disorders. One aspect of language processing that has been studied on individuals with language disorders caused by Alzheimer's disease is lexico-semantic processing or access to vocabulary and retrieval of meanings from the mental vocabulary. In recent years, there has been a lot of research in the field of bilingual pathology, but there has been scant attention directed towards languages such as Persian and Azerbaijani Turkish that belong to different linguistic families with distinctive syntactic and morphology characteristics. The present study took a descriptive and task-oriented approach to examine how and to what extent Alzheimer's disease affects the first and second languages of Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilinguals. In so doing, armed with neurolinguistic view of bilingualism theory (Paradis, 2004), we had 40 Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilinguals participate in control and experimental groups based on Mini-Mental State Examination (MMSE) scores. We also had our participants undergo Bilingual Aphasia Task (BAT) via DMDX.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Method</strong><br />The research process began with the collection of demographic information from   Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilingual females Which included: age, education, age of familiarity with Persian, computer literacy, clinical background check, medications used, visual and auditory status, and coding to subjects. The statistical population of the research was from Tabriz and its sample size was 40 participants who were categorized into control and experimental groups. Twenty participants with an age-related decrease in cognitive ability (according to a neurologist) with a score 23 or above  in MMSE and the age range of 55-82 were categorized within the control group. Besides, 20 Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilingual female participants with Alzheimer's disease (according to the neurologist) who scored between 19-23 in MMSE and the age range of 55-82 were placed in the experimental group.<br />Firstly, a researcher-made bilingualism proficiency test was constructed. The test was administered on a cognitively healthy sample before being administered on research participants. During the test, Azerbaijani Turkish, and Persian languages were separately assigned a level for each of the spoken, audible, readable, and written skills. This qualitative test, along with the relative trust in the self-assessment of the participants, was conducted on each language and for each of the skills. The results were categorized into four levels: weak, medium, good, and excellent for each individual.<br />Next, MMSE was administered as an Alzheimer’s disease screening test. This test examines the repetition of naming announcements, attention and calculation, recall, language, ability to follow simple commands, and orientation of thinking (Tuijl et al., 2012). The test is used to separate attributable mental illnesses from acquired ones (Folstein et al., 1957). In this study, the Azerbaijani Turkish translation of the test was conducted by the Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian examiner.<br />Finally, the BAT was carried out. The words considered for the picture of the task were related to organs, plants, animals, objects, and natural events that did not evoke cultural and ethnic events. The vocabulary items of the pictures of BAT were selected based on the criterion of familiarity history up to the age of seven or at most eight years. Furthermore, the criteria of imaginability, low abstraction rate, and cultural familiarity were controlled. The pictures were divided into three blocks with five-minute intervals and each block consisted of twenty items. The task was run on DMDX version 6.3.2.4 to record reaction time (RT) to picture stimuli.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Results and Conclusion</strong><br />This study aimed to examine the effect of anomic aphasia caused by Alzheimer's disease on the lexico-semantic skills of Azerbaijani Turkish-Persian bilinguals and experimentally tested the hypothesis of unparalleled deterioration in both languages in aphasia by using BAT. The results showed that the RT was much shorter for Azerbaijani Turkish than for Persian in the control group. In other words, the speed of access or retrieval of the Azerbaijani Turkish vocabulary was faster than the speed of access to Persian vocabulary in the control group. The average RT of the control group in two languages showed a significant difference <em>(W=3.02, p<.01).</em> Based on this finding, the hypothesis of the study that predicted no significant difference between the speed of access to first and second language vocabularies in the control group was rejected. Also, the finding does not confirm Juncos-rabadán & Iglesias’s (1994) findings that with growing age, the cognitive operation of both languages decreases parallelly. However, it should be taken into account that the research of Juncos-rabadán & Iglesias (1994) was done on languages from the same language family, where cognates could have possibly played a role. The current research was done on different language families, where the issue of the cognate status of words was not present.<br />Also, the results showed that the speed of access to Azerbaijani Turkish (dominant language) vocabulary was much shorter than the speed of access to Persian (nondominant language) vocabulary in the experimental group <em>(W= 3.88, p<.001)</em> aligning with the research of Ivanova et al. (2014) that showed nondominant language is more severely impaired than dominant language. Golan et al. (2010), who also took the dominant language test for Spanish-English languages, concluded that nondominant language, especially in people prone to dementia, is more likely to be affected by language disorders. This is also consistent with the findings of the present study. Also, the results of the between-group comparisons showed that the participants in the experimental group faced longer pauses than the participants in the control group in accessing vocabulary and expressing the target words in the first language <em>(U=78, p<.01)</em> and the second language <em>(U=37.5, p<.01)</em>.<br />The analysis of lexico-semantic deterioration in this study showed that anomic aphasia caused by Alzheimer's disease impairs a person's second language (the language that a person has less mastery than his first language) more than the first language (the language that a person learned in childhood and used continuously in daily life). This finding is consistent with Paradis's (2004) theory showing that the language learned after the first language is more affected by cognitive deterioration. The fact that the dominant language has a stronger association with semantic representations in mind compared to the nondominant language in bilinguals can be a reason for the greater impact of cognitive diseases such as Alzheimer's disease on the nondominant language (see Costa et al., 2012). A comprehensive pathological study to determine the deterioration patterns of cognitive disease requires further interdisciplinary research by linguists, language sociologists, psychologists, and neuropsychologists. An important point to consider in evaluating bilingual language disorders would be that diachronic studies of young bilingual populations can give a clearer and more accurate result of acquired linguistic damage such as Alzheimer's disease.<strong> </strong> مطالعات آسیب­ شناختی ذهن با رویکردی زبان­شناختی برروی دوزبانه­های مبتلا به اختلالات زبانی ناشی از بیماری آلزایمر زمینه پژوهشی بین­ رشته ­ای گسترده­ای را در سال­­های اخیر برای پژوهشگران فراهم آورده است. با این حال، علیرغم وجود این واقعیت که زوال زبان یکی از علائم غالب بیماری آلزایمر است اختلالات زبانی در دوزبانه‌‌ها در ارتباط با بیماری آلزایمر به‌صورت کافی مورد بررسی تجربی واقع نشده است. این پژوهش آزمون‌‌محور با هدف بررسی چگونگی تأثیر نام­پریشی ناشی از بیماری آلزایمر بر روی مهارت‌‌های واژگانی- معنایی<em> </em>زنان دوزبانه تورکی<em> </em>آذربایجانی و فارسی ایرانی صورت گرفته است. به این منظور یک گروه تجربی شامل 20 فرد 55-82 ساله که نمرۀ آزمون کوتاه تعیین وضعیت شناختی آن‌ها بین 19-23 بود با یک گروه کنترل شامل 20 فرد دچار اختلال شناختی خفیف و با نمرۀ آزمون کوتاه تعیین وضعیت شناختی 23-30 از نظر سن، سن آشنایی با زبان فارسی و تحصیلات رسمی همتا شدند. تولیدات شفاهی زبان هر دو گروه به­وسیله تکلیف زبان­پریشی دوزبانه نامیدن تصاویر در دو زبان تورکی آذربایجانی و فارسی به‌طور جداگانه بررسی شد. مقایسه میانگین زمان واکنش به تصاویر محرک در دو زبان نشان داد که بیماری آلزایمر زبان غیرغالب (فارسی) را با شدت بیشتری نسبت به زبان غالب (تورکی آذربایجانی) دچار اختلال کرده است. نتیجه این پژوهش در راستای تأیید فرضیه سه‌‌انباره در چارچوب انگاره عصب-زبان‌‌شناختی پارادی است که بیان می‌‌کند دوزبانه‌‌ها از دو زیرنظام زبانی با دستور و واژگان مستقل و جداگانه و یک نظام غیرزبانی شناختی برخوردارند. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28011_9ae60765a1c48b8412a750200b4dd5d4.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Complications in discourses on near-death experiences مشخصه پیچیدگی در گفتمان تجربه نزدیک به مرگ 55 72 28042 10.22108/jrl.2023.139623.1815 FA شیما صولتی دانش‌آموخته ارشد، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران 0009-0001-1709-1274 علی ایزانلو استادیار،گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران اعظم استاجی دانشیار، گروه زبان‏ شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه فردوسی مشهد، مشهد، ایران Journal Article 2023 10 31 <strong>Abstract</strong><br />The purpose of this article is to find complications in Farsi discourse of Near-Death Experiences (NDE). We first examined the main categories of complications and then compared them in the stories of those who claimed to have near-death experience and those who were asked to fabricate a story about it. Through studying the stories of both groups, we found that complications in the discourses on near-death experience can be divided into three main categories: exemplifying, which is a secondary topic mentioned to make the main topic clear; potentializing, which is a secondary topic with a potential to turn into a main topic and, emphasis and scrutinizing; the former includes synonyms and repetitions, and the latter includes antonyms and words with overlapping meaning. Each of these categories were coded in the stories of 50 liars and 50 near-death experiencers from the TV program <em>life after life.</em> Except for the potentializing category and synonyms, statistics showed that there is a statistical difference between the two groups in terms of producing complications. We realized that liars produced fewer complications but near-death experiencers from the TV program produced more complications.<br /><strong>Keywords</strong>: Complications, Lie, Near-death experience, Verbal cues to deception, Details.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Introduction</strong><br />Near-death experience, shortly known as NDE, is sometimes reported after a life-threatening crisis. Basically, the individual has an out-of-body experience but becomes alive after a while. In this state, the person suddenly confronts with actual or expected death and his consciousness goes beyond his physical body or earthly environs. This phenomenon can be reported after heart attacks, car accidents, severe bleedings or blood loss after delivery, coma caused by traumatic brain injuries, suicide attempts and other similar cases. Commonly, experiencers report feeling of inner peace and joy, seeing a very bright light, reviewing one’s life, and a change in the concept of time. This phenomenon has been studied neurologically, psychologically, and sociologically, but its true nature, and the reasons why it happens, or who might experience it are still matters of question. Regardless of experiencers’ age, gender, religion, and cultural background, researchers have realized that core features of NDE reports are similar (Hashemi et al., 2023); However, the plausibility of NDE reports has constantly been a matter to be judged, which makes many NDErs tend not to share their experiences and generally be accused of hallucinating or fabricating memories. <br />It is more than a century that verbal cues to deception have been studied in order to assess the credibility of statements in judicial contexts (Sporer et al., 2021). In fact, verbal cues to deception can be differentiated from verbal cues to truth. For this, many scientists examine the verbal cues in the stories of a group of truth tellers and then compare them to the stories of a group of liars. One of the most distinguishing cues to detect liars from truthtellers is that liars are less forthcoming (DePaulo et al., 2003), which is often attributed to liars’ lack of imaginations (Leal et al., 2015) or the fact that they are reluctant to provide details because they fear that such details may provide leads for investigators (Nahari et al., 2014). On the other hand, truthtellers produce more details. Details are units of information in a sentence; however, total detail variable is difficult to use in real life (Vrij et al., 2018c); because it is never clear that how much detail someone should provide to be judged as truthful (Nahari et al., 2014). In order to make detecting possible, different verbal components, which are complications, common knowledge and self-handicapping strategies, were introduced (Vrij et al., 2021). Complications are non-essential details that make the story more complex and are expected to be present in truthful stories; whereas common knowledge and self-handicapping strategies are used mostly by liars (Vrij et al., 2018c).<br />In this study, we examined complications, as verbal cues, in stories of people who claimed to have NDE and compared them to storied of a group who we knew were lying about having NDE. The question in this research was: what are the subcategories of complications in order to have a clearer definition. Moreover, we sought to know if NDErs produce more complications. The zero hypothesis was: there is no difference in number of complications between the two groups.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Materials and Methods</strong><br />In order to find the validity of our hypothesis, we had to have a group who claimed to have NDE and another group who lied about having one. A group of 50 participants, including 31 females and 10 males, whose age ranged from 18 to 72, took part in this study as liars.  For experiencers, we picked 50 interviews, (including 37 males and 13 females, all above 18) from the TV show called ‘Life after Life’, in which participants share their NDEs. Stories of both groups were first audio-recorded and then transcribed. In a qualitative analysis we first investigated subcategories of complications, then each subcategory was separately coded in each story. Finally, we conducted a comparative analysis.<br /><strong> </strong><br /><strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusion</strong><br />Considering the definition of complications as non-essential information that make the event complex (Deeb et al., 2021; Vrij et al., 2017; 2018b; 2018c) and the examples in previous studies, we went through each story separately and realized complications can be categorized into 3 main parts:  <br /><br />Exemplifying: which is a secondary topic in a sentence to make the main topic clear; these secondary topics are mainly similes to mention the state of something or situations. Also, the speaker might mention different examples of a specific matter to help the listener picture the event.<br />Potentializing: which is a secondary topic with a potential to turn into a main topic. These secondary topics are mainly defining and non-defining relative clauses that are directly or indirectly related to a previous sentence. Some of these clauses are merged into the previous sentence and some are not; however, each of them has the potential to be a separate main topic during the narration.<br />Emphasis and Scrutinizing: which are in three levels of words, phrases and clauses linked by conjunctions like “and”, “but”, Farsi grammatical particle called “ezafe”, and pause. Emphasis includes synonyms and repetitions, and the Scrutinizing includes antonyms and words with overlapping meaning.<br /><br />Statistics showed except for potentializing and synonyms, there is a difference between the two groups in terms of producing complications. We realized near-death experiencers from the TV program produced more complications. In general, this study shows that liars produce fewer complications, which is similar to previous studies conducted with the focus on detecting lies. بارزترین مشخصه کلامی راست‌گویی بر اساس تحقیقات گسترده اخیر، مشخصه پیچیدگی است. هدف از پژوهش حاضر بررسی مشخصه پیچیدگی در گفتمان تجربه نزدیک به مرگ بوده و مسئله این است که زیر شاخه‌های اصلی پیچیدگی در این نوع از گفتمان چیست و آیا پیچیدگی در خاطره افرادی که مدعی تجربه نزدیک به مرگ هستند بیشتر از افرادی است که داستانی دروغین از تجربه نزدیک به مرگ در ذهن می‌سازند یا خیر. بدین ترتیب با بررسی متن داده‌ها سه شاخه اصلی برای پیچیدگی مشخص شد که شامل این موارد است: موضوع فرعی اول، با عنوان نمونه‌سازی، که موضوع اصلی را واضح‌تر بیان می‌کند، موضوع فرعی دوم، با عنوان بالقوه‌سازی، که خود پتانسیل این را دارد که تبدیل به موضوعی اصلی شود و تأکید و تدقیق که اولی شامل مترادف وتکرار و دومی شامل هم‌پوشانی معنایی و تضاد است. سپس هرکدام از این موارد جداگانه در متن داده‌های دو گروه، 50 نفر دروغ‌گو و 50 گزارش تجربه‌گران تجربه نزدیک به مرگ در برنامه زندگی پس از زندگی، کدگذاری شد. طبق نتایج آماری از مقایسه تولید هر یک از زیر شاخه‌های پیچیدگی توسط افراد دو گروه مشخص شد که تفاوت در تولید تمام موارد به غیر از مترادف و موضوع فرعی دوم در دو گروه معنی‌دار بوده و به طور کلی پیچیدگی توسط تجربه‌گران در ویدئوهای برنامه زندگی پس از زندگی بیشتر تولید شده است. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28042_d5feab8ca7bfba720e54f1051d916e01.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 The investigation of interpersonal metafunction in the discourse of schizophrenic patients and healthy people based on Halliday’s systemic functional grammar بررسی فرانقش بینافردی در گفتمان بیماران مبتلا به اسکیزوفرنی و افراد سالم براساس دستور نقشگرای نظام‌بنیاد هلیدی 73 94 28032 10.22108/jrl.2023.139532.1813 FA صدیقه خادمی دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران. محمد دبیرمقدم گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات فارسی و زبان‌های خارجی، دانشگاه علامه طباطبائی، تهران، ایران فرشته مؤمنی استادیار گروه زبان و ادبیات فارسی، دانشگاه آزاد اسلامی واحد چالوس، مازندران، ایران Journal Article 2023 10 22 <strong>Abstract</strong> Schizophrenia is a mental illness that affects its patients' cognitive functions and different levels of language. Discourse is one of these levels that is severely affected by this disease. In this research, 11 schizophrenic patients and 11 healthy individuals were compared using the interpersonal metafunction in Halliday’s systemic functional grammar. To collect data, we used The Persian Aphasia Battery, Western Aphasia Battery, Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination, the story “Frog, where are you?” and questions such as “tell one of your good and bad memory, talk about Nowruz, etc.”. We employed SPSS software to analyze the data.  The findings showed that there was a significant difference in the speech of patients with schizophrenia compared to healthy people in terms of the use of items such as polarity, modality, past and present tenses, declarative, WH-interrogatives and imperative speech functions, subject, complement and circumstantial adjuncts. However, no significant difference was found in the use of future tense, yes/no interrogatives and suggestion speech functions. According to the findings of this research and in line with previous studies, interpersonal speech systems can be used to provide a profile of the intensity of emotional and social disorders and incoherent speech in schizophrenic patients. <strong>Keywords</strong>: Schizophrenia, Discourse, Systemic Functional Grammar, Interpersonal Metafunction, Mood, Residue   <strong>Introduction </strong> Language disorder refers to a mental malfunctioning in the understanding or using written, spoken, or other medium of language. A disorder as such manifests itself in the form of language (phonetics, morphology, and syntax), content of language (semantics), or the use and function of language in communication (pragmatics). These problems may be receptive, expressive, or a combination of both (Fogle, 2008: 249). One of the mental disorders in which language is affected as such and patients experience language disorders like the one mentioned above is schizophrenia. Schizophrenia can be defined as “a severe mental disorder characterized by a set of symptoms such as impaired thought and perception that has lasted at least 6 months.” (Arman et al., 2005, p. 86) The underlying cause of this disease has not been diagnosed completely yet and it has partly remained unknown. However, it is widely agreed that “schizophrenia is a heterogeneous disorder in which a set of biological, psychological, and environmental factors play a role in its occurrence” (Arman et al., 2005: 86). In 1980, Crow (1980) divided schizophrenia into two types of positive and negative schizophrenia (Andreasen, 1985: 380-382, as cited in Crow, 1980). Language impairment, thus, is one of the most obvious cognitive defects in schizophrenic patients (Kim et al., 2015:288) whose linguistic performance can be analyzed recruiting mainstream theories and approaches in today's linguistics, i.e., formal linguistics, functional linguistics, and cognitive linguistics. Systemic Functional Grammar is one of the mainstream theories of studying language pioneered by Michael Halliday (Rasakhmahand, 2013: 104). According to Halliday and Matthiessen (2014), language has different layers: 1) phonology and phonetics, 2) lexico-grammar, and 3) semantics. In Systemic Functional Grammar, clause is the main processing unit in lexico-grammar layer and represents different meanings. In this approach, Halliday talks about the context of situation and three components that create this context: field, tenor and mode. Each component of the context of situation has a representation in the semantics stratification, which is called metafunction. The three main metafunctions in Systemic Functional Grammar include ideational, interpersonal, and textual. As it concerns interpersonal metafunction, there are two components of mood and residue. Mood consists of subject, finite, and polarity. Residue includes the predicator, complement, and adjunct (Halliday & Matthiessen, 2014). According to Halliday and Matthiessen (2014), a communication with others always occurs based on certain social and personal experiences. These communicative experiences form the ground for interpersonal metafunction through which the clause is considered as an exchange. Given that language disorders are considered as one instance of schizophrenic symptoms, in this research, we compare schizophrenic patients’ discourse with healthy subjects’ discourse employing the interpersonal metafunction of Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar. The present study aims to provide justifiable responses to the following enquiry: What is the difference between the discourse of schizophrenic patients and the healthy control group in terms of the use of the functions of interpersonal metafunction?   <strong>Materials and methods </strong> In this paper, we examined the speech of 11 schizophrenic patients (8 men and 3 women) and 11 healthy participants (8 men and 3 women). Schizophrenic participants were selected from Avicenna, Ostad Moharreri, and Hafez hospitals in Shiraz. The age range of participants in this group was between 24 and 60 years old (average = 40.18) and their average years of education was 11.27. These patients were selected based on the DSM-IV-TR diagnostic criteria for positive type schizophrenia and the psychiatrist’s confirmation. Participants in the healthy control group were selected from the adult community living in Shiraz. The age range of healthy subjects was between 21 and 60 years old (average = 40.27) and their average years of education was 11.54. To collect data, we used The Persian Aphasia Battery, Western Aphasia Battery, Boston Diagnostic Aphasia Examination, the story “Frog, where are you?” and questions such as “tell one of your good and bad memories, talk about Nowruz, etc.”. Interviews were conducted face-to-face between April 2022 and August 2022, with no time limit for answering. After transcribing the data, conversations were divided into clauses. Then, we determined all the functions of the interpersonal metafunction in the speech of each participant. These items included, polarity, modality, tense, speech functions, subject, complement, and adjuncts. Finally, the type, number, and percentage of each item was calculated and determined separately. SPSS software was used for data analysis.   <strong>Discussion of results and conclusions</strong> The present study aimed to compare the functions of interpersonal metafunction in the discourse of schizophrenic patients and healthy control groups. Data were collected from 11 people with schizophrenia and 11 healthy people as a control group. We compared the two groups using Halliday’s Systemic Functional Grammar. The findings suggested that there was a significant difference in the speech of patients with schizophrenia compared to healthy people in terms of the use of polarity, modality, past and present tenses, declarative, WH-interrogative, and imperative speech functions, subject, complement, and circumstantial adjunct; but no significant difference was found between the two groups of subjects in the use of future tense and yes/no interrogative and suggestive speech functions. According to the polarity data, the percentage of negative clauses in the patients’ discourses (11.78%) was higher than in healthy people (9.66%). This, in line with the findings of Martins (2006; 2008) and Cohen (2011), can be attributed to the patients’ negative attitudes towards themselves, others, and the world. Therefore, this aspect increases the possibility of using negative words and negative clauses in their discourses. In line with Cohen (2011), the speakers’ frequent use of modality indicates uncertainty, lack of commitment, or confidence in the truth-value of the utterance; therefore, it poses a problem for the continuity of propositional information and fluency in patients. As a result, communication with others becomes difficult because the listener may fail to interpret the interpersonal situation and sequence of propositions. Patients also used a higher percentage of past tense than healthy subjects, because they linked the discussions to the past events. Furthermore, their views of others, events, and the world may have influenced the use of tenses in their conversations. Regarding the speech functions, a significant difference was found between the patients in declarative, WH-interrogative, and imperative speech functions. This was because the context and the type of discourse in which the subjects participated was conversation. Also, the patients used more WH-interrogative clauses than the healthy people, which indicates that they were looking for more information about themselves, their situations, and the subjects. The reason for this lies in the position that they hold for themselves. In addition, the patients realize themselves in the given situation and ask to the underlying reasons of what has come to them. The percentage of omitted subjects was higher in patients than in the control group. The more cases of omitted subjects and complements indicate that patients do not pay attention to the needs of the listener and the context of the conversation. Not paying attention to the needs of the listener is one of the reasons for producing a problematic and hard-to-grasp discourse. The higher number of circumstantial adjuncts and complements in the speech of patients compared to healthy people can also be attributed to the fact that the speech of patients is less frank in responding, and they are involved in expressing other events that automatically lead to longer speech. Another result that was found in this research was the higher number of incomplete or abandoned clauses in the speech of schizophrenic patients. It can be said that one of the reasons for speech defects in schizophrenic patients is these incomplete clauses, which go hand in hand with incomplete words/phrases, leading to different speech in schizophrenic patients. According to the data of this research, the Systemic Functional Grammar approach worked very well in examining the language of schizophrenic patients and healthy people and is a suitable approach for these kinds of research. اسکیزوفرنی نوعی بیماری روانی است که عملکردهای شناختی و سطوح مختلف زبان را تحت تأثیر قرار می‌دهد. گفتمان یکی از حوزه‌هایی است که در این بیماری به‌شدت آسیب می‌بیند. در این پژوهش 11 بیمار مبتلا به اسکیزوفرنی و 11 فرد سالم از نظر کاربرد نقش‌های متعلق به فرانقش بینافردی در چارچوب دستور نقشگرای نظام‌بنیاد مقایسه شدند. مصاحبه‌های گردآوری‌شده با استفاده از آزمون‌های آماری مورد تجزیه و تحلیل قرار گرفت. یافته‌های پژوهش نشان دادند که در گفتمان بیماران مبتلا به اسکیزوفرنی در مقایسه با افراد سالم از نظر کاربرد قطبیت (بند مثبت و منفی)، وجه‌نمایی (افزودۀ وجهی و محمول وجهی)، زمان گذشته و حال، نقش‌های گفتاری خبری، پرسشی پرسشواژه‌ای و امری، فاعل، متمم و افزودۀ حاشیه‌ای تفاوت معنادار وجود داشت. اما در کاربرد زمان آینده، نقش‌های گفتاری پیشنهادی و پرسشی بلی/خیر میان گفتمان دو گروه آزمودنی تفاوت معناداری یافت نشد. بنابر یافته‌های این پژوهش و هم‌راستا با مطالعات پیشین، تحلیل دقیق گفتمان بیماران مبتلا به اسکیزوفرنی از طریق نظام‌های بینافردی می‌تواند به تفسیر جامع ساختار گفتگو، کیفیت روابط بینافردی و عملکردها و نگرش‌های آن‌ها کمک ‌کند. نظام‌های گفتمان بینافردی می‌توانند در ارائۀ نمایه‌ای از میزان شدت اختلالات عاطفی و اجتماعی و گفتار ناپیوسته در گفتمان بیماران مبتلا به اسکیزوفرنی به کار روند. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28032_60bb474037df0db8484cdb53d8a8aca2.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Putamen and L1-L2 sentence comprehension: Evidence from functional magnetic resonance mapping پوتامن و درک جملات زبان اول و دوم: شواهدی از تصویربرداری تشدید مغناطیسی عملکردی 95 110 28105 10.22108/jrl.2024.138007.1777 FA سیمین میکده دکترای زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکدة علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تربیت مدرس، تهران، ایران ورنر زومر استاد گروه روان‌شناسی، دانشکدة علوم زندگی، دانشگاه هومبولت برلین، برلین، آلمان 0000-0001-5266-3445 سیدامیرحسین بتولی استادیار گروه علوم اعصاب، دانشکدۀ فناوری‌های نوین در پزشکی، دانشگاه علوم پزشکی تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 07 08 <strong>Abstract</strong> The putamen is a subcortical structure. However, neuroimaging studies have demonstrated the involvement of the left putamen in other language functions such as bilingual language processing. Some studies have also shown the role of the right putamen in higher-order language functions. The present reanalysis aims to investigate the role of the bilateral putamen during the L1-L2 sentence comprehension in bilinguals using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI). Hence, 36 Turkish-Persian bilinguals (21 females and 15 males), who had acquired their second language at the age of seven after entering school, were selected in a purposive sampling method to perform an auditory grammaticality judgment task within an alternative language switching paradigm. After detecting the activity of the bilateral putamen at the whole-brain level, in FSL, percent signal change was extracted per participant as an intensity measure and analyzed statistically in SPSS. At the whole-brain level, the findings demonstrated that the bilateral putamen was involved in the comprehension of syntactic structures during the alternating presentation of L1 and L2 stimuli. In addition, regardless of the hemisphere involved, the significant grammaticality effect for L1 as well as the increased sensitivity for L1-violation stimuli compared to L2-violation stimuli may imply the standard language dominance effect also in the putamen. <strong>Keywords:</strong> Bilingualism, Sentence comprehension, Putamen, L1, fMRI   Introduction Subcortical structures are considered a key component in language processing in bilinguals. Basal ganglia are a group of subcortical structures found deep within the White Matter of the brain and have extensive connections with the cerebral cortex, especially Broca's area and speech motor cortex. These nuclei include Putamen, Caudate, Pallidum, substantia nigra and subthalamic. Nowadays, the involvement of Putamen in production processes is evidenced, nevertheless, very little is known about the contribution of this region in understanding syntax in bilinguals. To our knowledge, no studies have examined the role of Putamen in syntactic processing in bilinguals. Here, we aimed to explore it within an alternative language switching paradigm. To address this gap, the current reanalysis focuses on the following research question. How is the performance of bilateral Putamen during L1-L2 syntactic processing? To answer this research question guiding this study, a bilingual task with alternating language switching paradigm were developed. In this task, brain imaging was performed using event-related fMRI while the participants listened to a total of 128 sentences in two Turkish and Persian languages. <strong> </strong> <strong>Materials and methods</strong> To allow for reliable ROI-based analysis, 36 right-handed and balanced Turkish-Persian bilingual students were recruited to participate in this study. All participants were native speakers of Turkish and learned Persian at school from the age of seven. Participants' language proficiency levels were assessed by the Bilingual Dominance Scale (BDS) and no significant difference was observed between Turkish and Persian (i.e., between L1 and L2) in language dominance. During a bilingual grammaticality judgement task, participants heard 128 test sentences (64 in L1 and 64 in L2, with 50% violation per language) and made their judgment by pressing a button. Stimuli were presented using the Psychtoolbox in MATLAB via headphones. Stimuli were randomized for each condition, but alternated in a fixed sequence for language. MRI data were collected in NBML, Tehran, Iran, using a Siemens Prisma 3T scanner with a 20-channel head coil. For each participant, a high-resolution T1-weighted anatomical scan was acquired (TR = 1800msec, TE = 3053 msec, flip angle: 7°, 192 axial slices, slice thickness = 1 mm, field of view (FOV) = 256 mm², 256 × 256 acquisition matrix, voxel size: 1×1×1 mm). After the anatomical scan, participants underwent a 21.5-min fMRI scan that used a whole brain echo planar imaging (EPI) sequence (TE: 30 ms, TR: 3000 ms, flip angle: 90°, slice thickness: 3 mm, voxel size: 3×3×3 mm, matrix size: 64×64, FOV: 192 mm², 430 volumes and 45 axial slices per volume). Processing of the fMRI data was carried out using FEAT in FSL. Preprocessing steps included motion correction, slice-timing correction, non-brain removal using BET, spatial smoothing (6 mm FWHM), normalization, temporal filtering (with sigma = 50.0 s), and exploratory ICA-based data analysis. Statistical analyses of fMRI data were conducted using general linear modeling (GLM), as implemented in FSL. Z statistic images were thresholded using clusters determined by Z > 2.6 and a (corrected) cluster significance threshold of P < 0.05. After detecting the Cerebellum activation in the whole-brain analysis, percent signal changes were extracted as an intensity measure in this brain region. All statistical analyses were conducted in IBM SPSS Statistics 26. <strong> </strong> <strong>Discussion of results and conclusions</strong> The present reanalysis investigate the contribution of Putamen in Turkish-Persian participants during processing syntax. Our research question concerns whether there are differences in syntactic processing between L1 and L2 in bilateral Putamen in non-native participants. At the whole-brain level, the findings indicated that the bilateral Putamen is involved in modulating the syntactic aspects of language, supporting the previous pathological studies on Putamen as well as its association with cortical areas in the realm of bilingualism. Another crucial point is regarding the significant effect of grammaticality in L1 and significant differences between L1-ungrammatical and L2-ungrammatical sentences, irrespective of the involved hemisphere. This is in line with the behavioral performance of present sample in which bilinguals had longer reaction time and more errors for L1 which was leading to more brain activations. This could be arguably because of the standard language dominance effect placed on L1, as mentioned by Declerck & Koch (2023), demonstrating that the present population may have relied more on their L1 than L2. Accordingly, using Chinese-English bilingual speakers, Wang and his colleagues (2009) found that sustained and transient language control induced differential activation patterns, and that sustained and transient activities in the human brain modulate the behavioral costs during switching-related language control. Thus, it is reasonable to say that in mixed-language blocks, balanced bilinguals performed better in L1 than in L2. In sum, based on current sample and task, we propose that bilinguals who had learnt L2 at the age of seven when entering school have employed the bilateral Putamen during processing syntax with standard language dominance effect (i.e., better performance in L1 than in L2). اگرچه پوتامن یک ساختار زیرقشری محسوب می­شود، مطالعات تصویربرداری دخالت ناحیة پوتامن چپ را در کارکردهای زبانی مانند پردازش زبان دوزبانه­ها نشان داده­اند. برخی مطالعات نیز به نقش پوتامن راست در عملکردهای زبانی مرتبه بالاتر اشاره کرده­اند. هدف از بازتحلیل حاضر، بررسی نقش پوتامن چپ و راست در درک جملات زبان اول و دوم در افراد دوزبانه با استفاده از روش تصویربرداری تشدید مغناطیسی عملکردی (fMRI) است. بدین ­ترتیب، تعداد 36 نفر دوزبانة ترکی-فارسی (21 زن و 15 مرد) که زبان دوم­شان را در سن 7 سالگی و به هنگام ورود به مدرسه به‌طور رسمی آموخته بودند، به روش هدفمند در سال 1398 انتخاب شدند. شرکت­کنندگان یک آزمون شنیداری قضاوت دستوری­بودگی با پارادایم زبان­گردانی جایگزین را اجرا کردند. به ­دنبال شناسایی فعالیت دوجانبة پوتامن در سطح کل-مغز در FSL، درصد تغییر سیگنال به­عنوان معیار «شدت» برای هر شرکت­کننده استخراج و در نرم­افزار SPSS-26 تجزیه و تحلیل آماری شد. در سطح کل-مغز، نتایج نشان داد که ناحیة پوتامن در نیمکره­های چپ و راست در درک نحوی جملات در حین ارائة همزمان محرک­های زبان اول و دوم دخالت دارد. علاوه­براین، صرف­نظر از نوع نیمکرة فعال، معناداری اثر دستوری­بودگی برای زبان اول و حساسیت بیشتر به محرک­های نادستوری زبان اول در مقایسه با محرک­های نادستوری زبان دوم مشاهده شد که می­تواند دال بر اثر استاندارد تسلط زبان باشد. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28105_a9e6f6b8ddf8d0276fde9904e8587723.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Categorial-selectional features in expletive constructions: A minimalist approach مشخصه‌های مقوله‌گزینی در ساخت پوچ‌واژه: رویکردی کمینه‌گرا 111 138 28207 10.22108/jrl.2024.138237.1770 FA مزدک انوشه استادیار زبانشناسی، گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه تهران، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 07 09 <strong>Abstract</strong>    Expletives, or the so-called dummy subjects, are syntactic objects that contribute nothing to the semantics. For many linguists, these elements constitute the strongest argument of the requirement for propositions to be built from a subject and a predicate, that the subject necessitated by the syntactic motivation, not by semantic one. While referential subjects may optionally be overt or null in pro-drop languages, it is well-known that they generally lack overt expletives. Whether expletive insertion rule applies to some derivations has been a rather controversial issue in the Persian syntax. Some linguists argue that non-referential pronoun exists in Persian, however, some others claim that there are no overt or covert expletives in this language. Based on the categorial-selectional features of predicates and within the framework of minimalism, I argue that in Persian the Spec of TP is obligatorily filled by a noun or pronoun, so expletive constructions are found with some unaccusative predicates, where there is no theta marked Noun Phrase. More importantly, and at a more theoretical and empirical level, I attempt to provide a kind of generalization about the application of expletive insertion rule within certain constructions. According to this generalization, the subject position of an unaccusative predicate may be filled by an expletive pronoun if and only if a NP with an unchecked case feature is not accessible. In this case, if there is no null expletive subject, then the EPP will filter the sentence out. While the referential nouns and pleonastic pronouns are in complementary distribution, such an account which requires that a predicate be able to select different kinds of categorial features explains why in some unaccusative derivations, including raising constructions, an overt NP can apparently be inserted in the position occupied by a covert expletive pronoun. <strong>Keywords:</strong><strong> </strong>expletive construction, categorial-selectional feature, unaccusative predicate, structural subject, EPP   <strong>Introduction</strong> An expletive refers to the element that may fill the surface subject position, but does not receive θ-role from the predicate. These pleonastic subjects constitute the strongest argument that there is a need to invoke the notion of predication independent of θ-role assignment, and more specifically of the requirement that propositions must be built from a subject and a predicate with the syntactic rather than semantic motivation, since it is assumed that expletives contribute nothing to the semantics of such a sentence. Previous works on pro-drop languages identified a set of parametric values associated with the availability of null subjects, including the presence of null expletive subjects. For example, Rizzi (1982) has argued that there are correlations between thematic null subjects and null expletives which means that pro-drop languages usually have no over expletive. Persian is a pro-drop language with canonical SOV word order. It is well-known that richly agreeing Null-subject languages lack overt expletives, though Finnish is an exception to this general rule. It has been recently controversial whether there is an expletive construction in Persian. While some scholars argue that Persian has no overt expletives, and there is no evidence pointing to the existence of covert expletives, others argue that overt and covert expletives exist in this language (cf. Darzi, 1996; Karimi, 2005; Mansoori, 2015). The aim of this article is to support the view that expletives are generated in this language. In the same vein, but more within the framework of MP, we will discuss the fact that referential subjects may be optionally overt or covert in Persian, while expletives are obligatorily null. In this regard, a covert pronoun expletive will be claimed to have merged in the surface subject position of all zero-place predicates and some unaccusative structures where the internal argument is a PP or CP, satisfying the EPP feature - a requirement forcing some DP to appear in the specifier of the clausal head. This analysis is empirically supported by a number of facts arguing against the idea that pronoun “in” (this) can freely appear as an expletive subject in Persian. Moreover, we try to answer an important problem: while referential nouns and pleonastic pronouns are in complementary distribution, why in some unaccusative derivations, including raising constructions, an overt NP can apparently be inserted in the position occupied by a covert expletive pronoun. Finally, we provide a generalization which predicts the insertion of null expletive in syntactic structures.   <strong>Materials and Methods</strong> Argument structure – the pattern of underlying relations between a predicate and its dependents – is at the base of syntactic theory, and the theory of the interface with semantics. In studying argument structure, therefore, the relation between predicates and their arguments, especially the category of theses dependent elements is studied. The standard way to express statements about the category of the arguments to which a particular θ-role is assigned by predicates, is by means of categorial selectional features (abbreviated to c-selectional features) also called subcategorization features. Within the argument structure of a predicate, a c-selectional feature is a categorial feature on a lexical item, which does not determine the distribution of the lexical item itself; rather it determines the category of the elements which will be able to merge with that lexical item. C-selectional features or subcategorization features must be checked at the interfaces for appropriate interpretability. It should be emphasized that all formal features which relate sound and meaning come in binary divisions; they can be interpretable or uninterpretable. The property of interpretability, generally used as the driving force behind the establishment of syntactic dependency in the minimalist system, is supposed to play a central role in the syntactic computation to drive the transition into the interpretive LF component. The idea is that uninterpretability forces feature matching and as a result, any uninterpretable c-selectional feature which has been matched, will be deleted. To put it more concretely, unlike interpretable features which have an effect on semantic interpretation and can participate in more than one checking operation, the uninterpretable ones must be eliminated before they reach LF; otherwise, Full Interpretation will be violated. Another important theoretical issue related to the present research is argument structure alternation. According to this concept, some predicates have more than one set of c-selectional features and they may choose different kind of categories as their internal arguments. For example, the verb “pazir” (accept) can select a NP, CP or even an AgrP (small clause) as its complement. This phenomena will explain one of our main questions and show why in some unaccusative derivations, an overt NP can apparently be inserted in the position occupied by a covert expletive pronoun.   <strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong> In line with what holds for feature checking, we examine the properties of expletives within the Minimalist framework. As we mentioned before, an expletive is an element that does not receive theta role from the predicate. So how can we account for the fact that the some unaccusative predicates accept such an element in their subject position? The answer is that expletives are place holders for the subject and pronoun expletive is fully specified with categorial, Case, and phi-features. Therefore, these dummy subjects are inserted in some unaccusative structure for syntactic purposes. As we mentioned before, Persian is a Null-subject, verb final language that exhibits an SOV order in the unmarked order, except clausal arguments that occur postverbally. In this research, we discuss that in this null subject language, the Spec of TP is obligatorily filled either overtly or covertly by a noun or pronoun, so expletive constructions are found with some unaccusative predicates, where there is no theta marked Noun Phrase. In this regard, a covert pronoun expletive will be claimed to have merged in the surface subject position of all zero-place predicates (1a) and some unaccusative structures where the internal argument is a PP or CP (1b & c), satisfying the EPP feature - a requirement forcing some DP to appear in the specifier of the clausal head:   1. (a). tufɑn šod.       storm became-3Sg       “The storm began.”     (b). az ɑnhɑ hemɑyat šod.       from them support became-3Sg       “They were supported.”     (c). be mɑ xabar dɑde šod ke ɑnhɑ resid-and.         to us information given became-3Sg. that they arrived-3Pl         “We were informed that they had arrived.”                                 In all above sentences, the subject position of matrix clauses is filled by null pronoun expletive. In (1a), “tufɑn” (storm) is the non-verbal element (NV) of a zero-place predicate and “šod” (became) is its light verb (LV). Since there is no internal or external argument, an expletive pronoun must be merged in the surface subject position to satisfy structural requirements of the derivation, including EPP and case feature. In (1b) and (1c), the internal argument is a preposition phrase and a complement phrase, respectively. On the one hand these constituents are not subject to the Case Filter (i.e. they don’t need case checking), and on the other hand they cannot check the EPP feature of the clausal head due to their phrasal category. So, a subject expletive which agrees with the LV in phi-features has to be inserted in the Spec, TP. This analysis immediately brings up an important question: if the subject position of (1c) is non-thematic and receives no θ-role, how can it be filled by an overt NP like “in nokte” (this point)? 2. in nokte be mɑ xabar dɑde šod ke ɑnhɑ resid-and.     this point to us information given became-3Sg. that they arrived-3Pl     “We were informed that they had arrived.” Based on the argument structure alternation, we will argue that contrary to (1c), the internal argument in (2) is a noun phrase, modified by an extraposed relative clause. Putting the facts together, we have to conclude that the predicate of this sentence has a different c-selectional feature. It should be noted that theories of argument structure ignore long-distance displacements such as the extraposition of a relative clause. This conclusion is also true for the so-called raising predicates, where a verb like “be-nazar residan” (to seem) selects either a complement phrase (3) or a small clause (4) as its internal argument: 3. badihi be nazar mi-resad ke do kešvar be tavɑfoq dast xɑhand yɑft.       obvious to view Prog-arrive.3Sg that two country to agreement hand will.3Pl find-Infinitive       “It seems obvious that the two countries will reach an agreement.” 4. in qaziye badihi be nazar mi-resad. ke do kešvar be tavɑfoq dast xɑhand yɑft.   this case obvious to view Prog-arrive.3Sg that two country to agreement hand will.3Pl find-Infinitive   “It seems obvious that the two countries will reach an agreement.”                                                         In sentence (3) where “badihi” (obvious) is an optional speaker-oriented adverb, the internal argument of the main verb is a CP. Therefore, the subject position of the matrix clause is filled by a covert expletive. In sentence (4), the c-selectional feature of the main verb has been satisfied by a small clause, i.e. “in qaziye badihi” (this case obvious). So, “badihi” is the predicate of the small clause and cannot be deleted. The NP “in qaziye” (this case) which is modified by an extraposed relative clause raises to the highest specifier of the main clause in order to check its case feature. The conclusion we draw from these data is that the subject position of an unaccusative predicate is occupied by a null expletive, iff a NP with an unchecked case feature is not accessible.   پوچ‌واژه‌ها یا اصطلاحاً فاعل‌های بدلی، عناصری نحوی‌اند که سهمی در شکل‌گیری معنای گزاره ندارند و به‌همین دلیل، نزد بسیاری از زبان‌پژوهان، از مهم‌ترین شواهدی به‌شمار می‌روند که تصریح می‌کنند تولید گزاره برپایۀ یک فاعل و محمول از الزامات نحوی، و نه معنایی، جمله است. هرچند در زبان‌های ضمیرانداز که تصریف غنی دارند، فاعل‌های ارجاعی می‌توانند آزادانه آشکار یا تهی باشند، پوچ‌واژه‌ها در چنین زبان‌هایی غالباً ناملفوظ‌اند. در نحو زبان فارسی، وجود قاعدۀ درج پوچ‌واژه موضوع کم‌وبیش مناقشه‌برانگیزی در میان زبان‌شناسان بوده است. برخی از تحلیلگران استدلال کرده‌اند که این ضمیر غیرارجاعی در نحو زبان فارسی یافت می‌شود، اما برخی دیگر مدعی شده‌اند که فارسی فاقد هر دو نوع پوچ‌واژۀ آشکار و پنهان است. در پژوهش حاضر در چارچوب برنامۀ کمینه‌گرا و براساس مشخصه‌های مقوله‌گزینی محمول‌ها، استدلال می‌کنیم که شاخص گروه زمان در فارسی باید با یک اسم یا ضمیر پر شود و لاجرم، در آن دسته از محمول‌های نامفعولی که یک گروه اسمی حامل نقش تتا وجود ندارد، درج پوچ‌واژۀ ضمیری الزامی است. اما مهم‌تر از این نکته، می‌کوشیم تا به‌جای ارائۀ فهرستی تفصیلی از ساخت‌های حاوی فاعل‌های بدلی، تعمیمی برپایۀ آموزه‌های نظری و شواهد تجربی به‌دست دهیم تا اعمال قاعدۀ درج پوچ‌واژه را در ساخت‌های نحوی فارسی پیش‌بینی کند. طبق این تعمیم، جایگاه فاعل ساختاری محمول‌های نامفعولی با پوچ‌واژۀ ضمیری پر می‌شود، اگر و فقط اگر یک گروه اسمی با حالت بازبینی‌نشده در اشتقاق جمله در دسترس نباشد. در چنین ساختاری اگر پوچ‌واژۀ فاعلی ناملفوظ درج نشود، اشتقاق نحوی به‌دلیل تخطی از اصل فرافکن گسترده فرومی‌ریزد. این تحلیل که برپایۀ داده‌های آن، پوچ‌واژۀ ضمیری آشکار در فارسی یافت نشده است، توضیح می‌دهد که چرا در حالی که اسم‌های ارجاعی و پوچ‌واژۀ ضمیری در توزیع تکمیلی‌اند، در برخی از اشتقاق‌های نامفعولی و از جمله در ساخت‌های ارتقایی، یک گروه اسمی آشکار ظاهراً می‌تواند در جایگاهی بنشیند که متعلق به پوچ‌واژۀ ضمیری پنهان است. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28207_261f336e1c1e29d532481ff35ce98fe0.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Pronominal Clitics in Persian: A Distributed Morphology Approach پی‌بست‌های ضمیری در زبان فارسی از نگاه صرف توزیعی 139 158 28250 10.22108/jrl.2024.138959.1795 FA هانا حسینی دانشجوی دکتری زبان‌شناسی، گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی،دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، شجاع تفکری رضایی دانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران عامر قیطوری دانشیار گروه زبان انگلیسی و زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات و علوم انسانی، دانشگاه رازی، کرمانشاه، ایران Journal Article 2023 09 03 <strong>Abstract </strong> Persian independent pronouns can be considered as the head of noun phrases) Shaghaghi, 2015). However, the head of the noun phrase with a prepositional phrase (preposition + pronominal clitic) can be occupied by a pronominal clitic. To deal with this dual behavior, we adopt distributed morphology, developed by Halle & Marantz (1993), to analyze the internal structure of dependent pronouns or pronominal clitics. This research draws upon descriptive-analytical method, and the data come from Persian language. In this paper, theoretical arguments as well as linguistic evidence will be employed to examine the hypotheses. We suggest that the so-called “pronominal clitics” are actually different elements with different semantic features and structural relationships. Finally, we argue that the (M) index, as a secondary product of morphological merger (Merger) between the two heads, is supposed to be the distinctive element of the dependent pronouns, not of the independent pronouns. <strong>Keywords</strong>: Clitics, Distributed Morphology, pronominal clitics, Object agreement, Morphological merger   <strong>Introduction</strong> The present paper intends to examine the nature of Persian pronominal clitics or dependent personal pronouns within the framework of distributed morphology. Independent personal pronouns can appear at the head position of a noun phrase. However, it is not true for their clitic forms unless their host be a preposition phrase, wherein that the pronominal clitics can function as the head of the noun phrase. This points to the underlying distinctions between dependent personal pronouns. The present research is grounded upon the very behaviors of pronouns and intends to describe the content features and internal structure of the dependent pronouns.   <strong>Materials and methods</strong> In the framework of generative grammar, the intuition of native speakers is an important criterion to judge the well-formedness of sentences. It is thus understood that research into different structures of a language can be based on the intuition of a competent native speaker of the language in question. The data for analysis were collected based on the intuition of one of the co-authors which were then reviewed and confirmed by other members of the research team. In the next step, data obtained were analyzed for descriptive goals related to clitics in Persian language and were then explained on the basis of Distributed morphology framework. Distributed morphology is a post syntactic framework developed by Halle and Marantz (1993). It assumes that there is no generative lexicon, and the formal features are solely restored in a basic storage. According to Marantz (1998), this non-generative storage (which Marantz calls “pure lexicon”) does not participate in the word formation process. In this theory, the other functions of the generative lexicon are now distributed along the syntactic, morphological and phonological components. In Marantz’s (1998) approach, the output of the computational system would be manipulated across the morphological component. In other words, the morphological operations that apply at the post-syntactic level can modify the structure mainly before the phonological component. Furthermore, Bobaljik (2008) argues that agreement features are assigned post-syntactically. In this descriptive analytic research, we mainly use this framework to investigate the nature of pronominal clitics in Persian   <strong>Discussion of results and conclusion</strong> This paper is intended to analyze the internal structure and nature of morphemes known as pronominal clitics. These morphemes are attached to different hosts including nouns, prepositions and verbs. We are also aimed at finding out if they possess the same content feature. Considering this inquiry is significant from two perspectives: Firstly, the research in this area claims that one of the most important features that places the pronominal clitics in the category of Clitics is their ability to connect to different hosts. If the analysis shows that the content feature of these elements are different in structures with discrepant hosts, they can no longer be categorized as clitics. Secondly, the dual behavior and the morphological peculiarities that have been shown in combination of “base + pronominal clitic” indicate the underlying distinctions between dependent personal pronouns. Such questions lie at the bedrock of suggesting (M) index. It is assumed that this index, considered as a secondary product of morphological merger between two heads, is the distinguishing factor between dependent and independent forms of pronouns. To examine the explanatory efficiency of the (M) index, we investigated the performance of this index in the reflexive structures with local dislocation and some noun phrases. Finally, the current research investigated the structural position of the dependent pronouns attached to verbs and their structural relation to the agreement mechanism; In this part, we describe the content feature and internal structure of these pronouns. The important issue regarding these elements is that these pronominal systems really resemble affixation more than clitic systems. Within the framework of distributed morphology, it was found that the dependent personal pronouns attached to nouns, verbs, and prepositions are separate elements with different content features and internal structures. The dependent personal pronouns can also be placed first before other morphemes making thus pronouns closer to the stem. In fact, the findings of this research indicate that these pronominal systems do not really resemble clitic systems.   به باور شقاقی (1394) گونة آزاد پی‌بست ضمیری، یعنی ضمایر منفصل، می‌توانند در جایگاه هستة گروه اسمی قرار بگیرند؛ اما گونة واژه‌بستی ‌آنها چنین قابلیتی ندارد. این در حالی است که اگر میزبان حرف اضافه باشد، ضمیر می‌تواند در جایگاه هستة گروه اسمی قرار گیرد. با توجه به این مسئله، پژوهش حاضر می‌کوشد تا با استفاده از نظریة صرف توزیعی، به تحلیل فرایند شکل‌گیری ضمایر منفصل و متصل و ماهیت ضمایر متصل به اسم، حرف اضافه و فعل بپردازد، تا در پرتو آن بتواند دلیل وجود چنین رفتار دوگانه‌ای را بیابد. این پژوهش به شیوة توصیفی-تحلیلی انجام می‌گیرد و فرضیه‌های آن با استفاده از استدلال‌های نظری و شواهد زبانی به بوتة آزمایش قرار داده می‌شود. فرضیة اصلی این پژوهش آن است که رفتار متفاوت ضمایر متصل، ریشه در ماهیت و جایگاه ساختاری ویژة آنها دارد؛ در این زمینه همچنین فرضیة وجود نشانة «M» نیز مطرح می‌گردد؛ این نشانه که حاصل ادغام صرفی میان تکواژ پایه و ضمیر است بر روی هستة ضمیر متصل هویدا می‌گردد. یافته‌های این پژوهش ضمن اثبات وجود نشانة «M»، تمایز ساختاری و ماهیتی ضمایر متصل به میزبان‌های مختلف را تأیید می‌کند. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28250_f40e9d90b40435384fd297e2b94f93c7.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Persian two-constituent exocentric non-verbal compound nouns: A constructional account بررسی اسم‌های مرکب برون‌مرکز دوجزئی فاقد پایۀ فعلی زبان فارسی در چارچوب صرف ساخت‌محور 159 184 28356 10.22108/jrl.2024.139171.1800 FA بهاره قلیچ خانی دانش‌آموختۀ کارشناسی ارشد گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا (س)، تهران، ایران آزیتا عباسی استادیار گروه زبان‌شناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا (س) تهران، ایران Journal Article 2023 09 18 <strong>Abstract</strong> Compounding is one of the most productive word-formation processes through which new words are formed. Concerning the semantic headedness, compounds are divided into endocentric compounds and exocentric compounds. This article examines Persian exocentric non-verbal compound nouns based on construction morphology theory (Booij, 2010) and explores the semantic relations in constructional schemas based on the semantic relations models of Jackendoff (2010) and Girju et al. (2005). The data is comprised of nearly 450 words and have been collected from <em>Farhang Moɑser: Contemporary Persian Dictionary</em> (1381) as well as media and daily conversations. According to the data, there were 9 semantic relations between the semantic head and the inner constituents of the noun compounds. Besides, there were 11 semantic relations between the inner constituents. Based on the derived constructional schemas, it was found that patterns produce the nouns of "instrument, plant, animal, location, food, part of something, job, profession, social status, job hierarchy, disease, material, sign, rhythm of a music/poem, geometric shape, object, prayer, game".. <strong>Keywords</strong>: Booij’s Construction Morphology, Constructional Schemas, Exocentric Non-verbal Compound Noun, Semantic Relations <strong> </strong> <strong>Introduction</strong> Compounding is one of the most productive word-formation processes which has been studied through different approaches. This explains why there are various definitions of compounding and compounds introduced in the literature.<strong> </strong>Compounds are made of at least two lexeme words (Booij, 2005). Compound nouns fall into two classes: endocentric compounds and exocentric compounds. Exocentric compounds lack head words. A few researches have been conducted on exocentric compounds, especially non-verbal ones in Persian language. This study seeks to analyze two-constituent exocentric non-verbal compound nouns using Construction Morphology Theory (Booij, 2010). This approach defines a morphological constituent by its form and meaning; therefore, it makes it possible to introduce regular patterns that produce these kinds of words and determine schemas to use them for making new nouns. Applying semantic relations into the schemas and defining semantic heads help us into more accurate and generalized patterns. The framework of Semantic Functions (Jackendoff, 2010) and Semantic Relations (Girju et al., 2005) are applied to extract the semantic relations. <strong> </strong> <strong>Materials and methods</strong> This study is based on a descriptive-analytical method and Construction Morphology Theory (Booij, 2010). The database included approximately 450 two-constituent exocentric non-verbal compound nouns collected from main entries and sub-entries of <em>Farhang Moɑser: Contemporary Persian Dictionary</em> (1381). In addition, words were randomly collected from media, daily conversations and using the internet search engines. According to the applied theoretical framework, Booij (2005) maintains that a compound is a noun which is comprised of at least two lexemes, with no functional morpheme. Therefore, we refused to include compound nouns with grammatical lexemes. The data were analyzed in two phases. Firstly, the words were categorized concerning the semantic relations between the semantic head and inner constituents. Secondly, semantic relation types were investigated and a specific schema was presented for each group. The data were then classified according to semantic heads and schemas in order to present patterns for new word formation. <strong> </strong> <strong>Discussion and conclusions </strong> The analysis of the two-constituent exocentric non-verbal compound nouns in Construction Morphology Theory (Booij, 2010) suggested 9 semantic relations between the semantic head and the inner constituents of the noun compounds. These semantic relations included “HAVING, PART-WHOLE, CAUSE, PLACE, TIME, ARGUMENT SCHEMA, PROTECTION, PURPOSE and SIMILARITY”. Besides, 11 semantic relations between the inner constituents were recognized, including “HAVING, PART-WHOLE, PLACE, TIME, ARGUMENT SCHEMA, PROTECTION, PURPOSE, ATTRIBUTE-HOLDER, SIMILARITY, MEASURE and TOPIC”. Based on the derived constructional schemas, 19 patterns were introduced to produce the nouns of "instrument, plant, animal, location, food, part of sth, job, profession, social status, job hierarchy, disease, material, sign, rhythm of a music/poem, geometric shape, object, prayer, game". According to Construction Morphology, (2010) it is the construction that specifies semantic heads and semantic relations between the semantic head and inner constituents not the compound constituents. Booij (2010, 36-38) believes that the semantics of exocentric compounds is a holistic property, like the »agent/instrument« sense in the French word “coupe-onge” meaning “nail clipper”. Besides, the results revealed that a continuum of abstraction can be assumed for the schemas dominating exocentric nonverbal noun compounds. General schemas, in which both slots are empty, have the highest degree of abstractions. If one slot is filled, the schema is known as partially-lexically-filled schemas and has lower degree of abstraction. Among datas, there were some cases in which a schema can produce a word with seemingly two different meanings like «گوش فیل» (/guʃfil/) generated by the general schema »[[X]_Ni [Y]_Nj]_Nk ↔   [ENTITY SIMILAR to part_iof animal_j] «refering to  a plant and  a pastry. In these cases, it was assumed that the general schema was divided into two subschemas. We also came to cases where words apparently similar to each other were produced by different schemas. According to Rainer (2005) these similar words with different meanings should be called homonyms. It is worth noting that according to Booij (2010) , these words are not subject to constructional polysemy. The derived data were then classified according to semantic heads and schemas in order to present patterns for new word formation. Moreover, the conclusions are helpful to determine the definitions of words and semantic domains in lexicography. The following table presents some sample schemas, derived from the database to make animal names. By paring form and meaning in constructions, Construction Morphology helps to investigate compound nouns in terms of both structure and meaning, and not just structure or meaning. <strong> </strong> <strong>Schemas of naming animals</strong> <strong>Schemas </strong> <strong>example</strong> [[X]_Numi [pɑ]_N]_Nk ↔ [ANIMAL HAVING legs with AMOUNT_i]_k هزارپا (/hezɑrpɑ/) [[X]_Ai [Y]_Nj]_Nk ↔ [ANIMAL HAVING thing_j with PROPERTY_i]_k سیاه‌گوش (siyɑhguʃ/) [[X]_Ni [sorx]_A]_Nk↔[ANIMAL HAVING part_i of body with (RED) PROPERTY]_k سینه‌سرخ (/sinesorx/) [[X]_Ni [Y]_Nj]_Nk ↔ [ANIMAL HAVING part_j of body SIMILAR to thing_i]_k آلوسر (/ɑlusar/) [[X]_Ni [Y]_Nj]_Nk ↔ [ANIMAL HAVING thing_i in LOCATION_j]_k خارتن (/xɑrtan/) [[xar]_N [Y]_Ni]_Nk ↔ [ANIMAL HAVING part_i of body with (BIG) PROPERTY]_k خرگوش (xarguʃ/)   ترکیب یکی از زایاترین فرایند‌های واژه‌سازی است. با توجه به وجود و یا نبود هسته، واژه‌های مرکب به دو طبقۀ واژه‌های مرکب درون‌مرکز و واژه‌های مرکب برون‌مرکز دسته‌بندی می‌شوند. این مقاله به بررسی اسم‌های مرکب برون‌مرکز فاقد پایۀ فعلی زبان فارسی در چارچوب صرف ساخت‌محور بوی (2010) و کشف روابط معنایی موجود در طرحواره‌های ساختی براساس انگاره‌های روابط معنایی جکندوف (2010) و گیرجو و همکاران (2005) می‌پردازد. داده‌های پژوهش از فرهنگ معاصر فارسی (1381)، رسانه‌ها و گفت‌وگوهای روزمره جمع‌آوری شده‌اند که حدود 450 واژه را شامل می‌شود. اسم‌های مرکب برون‌مرکز در دو طبقه‌بندی متفاوت بررسی شده‌اند. طبقه‌بندی اول براساس رابطۀ معنایی میان هستۀ معنایی و اجزای درونی واژه‌های مرکب انجام شده است که با توجه به داده‌های پژوهش، 9 رابطۀ معنایی میان هستۀ معنایی و اجزای درونی واژه‌های مرکب، و 11 رابطۀ معنایی میان اجزای درونی واژه‌ها یافت شد. طبقه‌بندی دیگر با توجه به هستۀ معنایی بیرونی صورت گرفته است تا بتوان با استفاده از آن، الگوهایی برای ساخت اسمِ «ابزار، گیاه، حیوان، مکان، خوردنی، جزئی از چیزی، شغل، تخصص، مقام اجتماعی، جایگاه شغلی، وضعیت شخص، بیماری، ماده، علامت، وزن موسیقی/شعر، شکل هندسی، شیء، دعا و بازی» در زبان فارسی به دست داد. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28356_6dc44694d6999e87b96ee325bbd178e2.pdf

دانشگاه اصفهان نشریه پژوهش های زبان شناسی 2322-3413 16 1 2024 03 20 Persian Conditional Construction Patterns based on Verb Forms الگوهای شرط در فارسی بر پایه‌ی صورت‌های فعلی 185 208 28414 10.22108/jrl.2024.140497.1829 FA معصومه کرمانی دانشجوی دکتری گروه زبان‌شناسی دانشکده ادبیات دانشگاه الزهرا تهران ایران فرهاد ساسانی دانشیار گروه زبانشناسی، دانشکده ادبیات، دانشگاه الزهرا، تهران، ایران Journal Article 2024 01 22 <strong>Abstract</strong><br />Persian verb forms in conditional constructions and consequence clauses are complicated in terms of tense, modality. The various verb forms can be problematic in teaching Persian to foreign language learners in understanding and using them. Although there are lists of possible types of conditional constructions of Persian, it seems that none of them provides an exhaustive list of all variations. Therefore, the objective of this research was to provide a more comprehensive classification of TMA (tense-mood-aspect) of verb forms in conditional constructions from a corpus of about 400 compound conditional sentences collected from a vast number of sentences of dialogues and other spoken discourses, chat communications, and contemporary written texts. After investigating and classifying various manifestations of verb forms in both conditional and consequence clauses, it was turned out that there are 10 verb forms in conditional clauses forming 44+4 types of conditional constructions, and 10 verb forms in consequence clauses forming 44+4 types of conditional constructions: 44 different combinations of conditional and consequence clauses, and 4 types conditions with just conditional clause Therefore, new uses of verb forms in Persian conditional constructions were found.<br /><strong>Keywords:</strong> conditional; verb form; grammatical structure; Persian language<br /> <br /><strong>Introduction </strong><br />Expressing condition is one of the important features of language that allows the creation of a possible world that doesn't yet exist, or can exist, or could exist but is no longer possible. The condition is widely discussed in grammar books. However, it seems that in most of the resources in Persian grammar, the categorization of the grammatical construction of verb forms in both clauses of condition and consequence doesn't take all of the parameters into account. For example, in some of the Persian resources such as Jafari (2010), Lazard (1992), Mahootian (1997), and Natel Khanlari (1976), it's mentioned that if the verb form in conditional clause is past subjunctive, the verb form in consequence clause might be past subjunctive, or there is no consequence, or consequence clause without any verb.<br />To study all the possible combinations of condition and consequence clauses in Persian, we examined verb forms of conditionals in Persian language varieties including colloquial language, chat communication, and contemporary written text in a corpus of about 400 conditional constructions out of more than 10,000 sentences. At the end, types of verb forms in terms of TAM and also possible combinations of conditional constructions were found and categorized. To do this, at first, the categorization of Declerck (2001) was used for the preliminary classification of the grammatical structure of Persian conditional sentences. Declerck (2001) refers to four absolute tenses which locate the time of situation in the past, pre-present (present perfect), present or post present (future).<br />Due to the fact that Persian grammar books and research related to this project usually don't address verb forms in conditional constructions completely and comprehensively, this research aims to provide a categorization of verb forms in terms of TAM in Persian conditional construction.   <br />  <br /><strong>Material and Methods</strong><br />As mentioned before, the corpus of the study consists of 400 conditional constructions out of more than 10,000 sentences collected from dialogues, chats and contemporary written texts. After examining the conditional construction taken from the collected corpus, according to the literature review and the model introduced by Declerck (2001), two categories were presented: 1- condition based on the verb forms of conditional clauses, 2- condition based on the verb forms of consequence clauses.<br />Out of 400 extracted conditional sentences, 10 different grammatical constructions were found for the verb forms in the conditional clause as follows:  1- simple present, 2- progressive present, 3- present perfect, 4- progressive present perfect, 5- subjunctive present, 6- past, 7- progressive past, 8- past perfect, 9- subjunctive past, and 10- progressive past. Totally, with these 10 grammatical constructions in the conditional clause, 44+4 types of conditional constructions with different grammatical constructions have been found in the consequential clause. S for the verb forms in consequence clauses, 10 verb forms were formed. All possible combinatins found are presented in table 1.<br /> <br /><strong>Table 1- </strong><strong>Classification of conditionals based on tense in conditional clause </strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br /><strong>Frequency</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>Verb form in consequence clause</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>Verb form in conditional clause</strong><br /><br /><br /><strong>Number</strong><br /><br /><br /><br /><br />26<br /><br /><br />Simple present<br /><br /><br />Simple Present<br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />37<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />24<br /><br /><br />Imperative: positive and negative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Simple present<br /><br /><br />Progressive Present<br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />6<br /><br /><br />Simple present<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /> <br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />6<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />5<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br />Imperative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Simple past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Future<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Progressive present perfect<br /><br /><br />Progressive present perfect<br /><br /><br />4<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />82<br /><br /><br />Simple present<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br />5<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />5<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />19<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />7<br /><br /><br />Future<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />Imperative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />13<br /><br /><br />Simple Present<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive past<br /><br /><br />6<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br />Future<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Progressive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Imperative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />32<br /><br /><br />Simple Present<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br />7<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />18<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />6<br /><br /><br />Simple past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />5<br /><br /><br />Progressive past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />10<br /><br /><br />Imperative: positive & negative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />Future<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Progressive past perfect<br /><br /><br />Progressive past<br /><br /><br />8<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />3<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br /> <br /><br /><br /><br /><br />6<br /><br /><br />Progressive past<br /><br /><br /> <br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />Simple Pasts<br /><br /><br />Past perfect<br /><br /><br />9<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Subjunctive present<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />2<br /><br /><br />Imperative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Past<br /><br /><br />Past progressive<br /><br /><br />10<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Imperative<br /><br /><br /><br /><br />1<br /><br /><br />Present perfect<br /><br /><br /><br /><br /> <br /> <br /><strong>Discussion of Results and Conclusions</strong><br />The aforementioned classification showed that the number of verb forms in condition and consequence clauses is much more than what was previously stated in Persian grammar books. For example, in Persian grammar for tense and modality in possible conditions, only the patterns of "past progressive + past progressive" and "past perfect + past progressive/ past perfect" were mentioned. While this study showed that other verb forms in terms of tense are possible in both condition and sequence clauses such as progressive past + simple past, progressive past + progressive present perfect. Also, for impossible conditions, in addition to the pattern of past perfect + past perfect/ progressive past, more cases were found, including past perfect + past and past perfect + subjunctive present.<br />Other patterns that were observed in the data of this research are conditional construction without consequence, consequence without a verb, and use of question words instead of a consequence as the following examples:<br />1- Bale, dust-è     aziz.    Agar dar kelāshā šerkat    karde   bāšid-ò         nām-etun dar list bāše.<br />    Yes,  friend-<em>ezāfe</em>  dear.  If     at    classes  attendance  made subjunctive<em>-</em>and   name-your at list  be-subjunctive-3rd.<br />As it has illustrated in example 1, the speaker refrains from repeating the consequence in the conditional construction for brevity, or simply because the concept of the consequence is clear to the audience.  <br />Yes dear friend. If you would have attended classes and your name be on the list".<br />2- Age bege,    ci?<br />      If     say+s/he,  what?<br />               What If s/he says?<br />Here, question word is used instead of a consequence calause.<br />Moreover, in the corpus of this research, for the first time, verb forms were found in which their tense weren fake rather than real, such as past tense instead of future tense. Also, we showed that it's not always a main verb that determines grammatical constructions in Persian conditionals. The reason might be the fact that in some cases it is a modal verb that determines the grammatical construction in condition and consequence clauses. To conclude, Persian conditionals were divided into four categorise based on grammatical structure: past, pre-present, present, and post-present.    تنوع صورت‌های فعلی از نظر زمان، وجه و نمود در بند شرط و بند پیامد در ساخت­های شرطی فارسی پیچیدگی­های زیادی دارد. این پیچیدگی‌ها بویژه در امر آموزش زبان فارسی برای درک و تولید فارسی‌آموزان مشکل‌آفرین ­است. اگرچه فهرست‌هایی از گونه‌های ممکن از ساخت شرطی در نوشته‌های مختلف آمده است، ولی به نظر می‌رسد هیچ کدام فهرست کاملی از این تنوع فراوان نیست، و ساخت‌های متعددی از نظر دور مانده است. همین ارائه‌ی یک الگوی کامل برای شرط در زبان فارسی و در نتیجه آموزش آن را ناقص می‌گذارد. وانگهی لحاظ ‌نشدن این ساخت‌های موجود تحلیل معنایی و کاربردی آن‌ها را دچار مشکل می‌کند. از این رو، پس از بررسی اولیه و مشاهده‌ی ساخت‌هایی دیگر، تلاش شد تمام الگوهای ممکن برسی شود. بنابراین برای بررسی صورت‌های فعلی در بندهای شرط و پیامد در ساخت‌های شرطیِ فارسی، پیکره­‌ای با حدود 400 جمله‌ی مرکب شرطی از گونه­های گفتاری، گفتارِ نوشتاری (چت‌نویسی) و نوشتار معاصر گردآوری شد تا ترکیب‌های ممکن و امکانات گوناگونِ نمودِ صورت‌های فعلی در دو بند شرط و پیامد بررسی شود. پس از بررسی و دسته‌بندی یافته‌ها، مشخص شد امکان نمود 10 صورت فعلی در بند شرط با 4+44 نوع ساخت شرطی و10  صورت فعلی در بند پیامد با 4+44 نوع ساخت شرطی وجود دارد. در نتیجه، نمونه‌های تازه‌ای از ترکیب بند پیامد و بند شرط در ساخت شرطی فارسی یافت شد. https://jrl.ui.ac.ir/article_28414_b65c598f5ad4997f9f25fd54663d0930.pdf